Between 1215 and 1211 BCE, Egypt was divided. A rebellion in the south, launched by Amen-messe “Born of Amun” disrupted the succession of Sety II, son of Merneptah. Records from this shadowy period hint at violence and corruption in Waset/Luxor, as the usurper took control and established a new regime. The impact of this conflict would have long-lasting ramifications for the 19th Dynasty…
Music: Luke Chaos.
Was Amenmesse the Viceroy Messuy?
Below are scenes from Amada in Nubia, where Messuy carved scenes of himself before royal cartouches. Prof. Aidan Dodson suggests that the Viceroy has cobra/uraei on his forehead, though other scholars suggest this is mere weathering. What do you think?
King Sety II & Queen Tausret
In 1215 BCE, the Valley of the Kings echoed with noise. The braying of donkeys carrying baskets, the shouts of porters dragging sleds, the clatter of chariot wheels on rocky roads, the hum of voices singing hymns and prayers. For the second time in just over a decade, the Valley of the Kings hosted a lavish funeral. Merneptah went to his rest in a magnificent tomb, just up the valley from his father. Now, the King’s son, took on the mantle of rule. His name was Suty or Sutechy (“Belonging to Sutech”). History knows him as Sety II.
The new ruler was about 25 years old; surprisingly young, given Merneptah died in his fifties.[1] Maybe Sety was a second son, the last surviving heir. Or maybe he was the last chosen; a younger son picked in favour of an older (more on that in a moment).
As King of the Two Lands, Sety chose an unusual name. He called himself Usir-kheperu-Ra, “Powerful are the Manifestations of Ra.”[2] It was kind of a throwback name. The formula “kheperu-Ra” was popular in the 18th Dynasty (for example, Akhenaten was Nefer-kheperu-Ra). But for the past hundred years, the Ramessid rulers had favoured other naming patterns. It’s unclear why Sety decided to “go back” to an older model; no one else in the 19th Dynasty did that. Maybe he had a taste for the vintage, or maybe he was experimental. The King’s other titles (his Horus, Two Ladies, and Golden Falcon names) are all of the place, varying wildly in the early years. They’re so variable that one scholar, Kenneth Kitchen, made fun of Sety’s “sheer inability to make up his mind which (names) to use!”[3] Levity aside, the King’s identity was unusually fluid in the early years. His “throwback name” may hint at a creative attitude, or perhaps a young ruler still “figuring himself out.”
At Sety’s side, the King’s wife was named Tausret (or Ta-Usret, meaning “Powerful Lady”). She was a newcomer to the royal house, probably the daughter of an influential family.[4] Her origins are not recorded in the surviving monuments. She just appears on the scene, no clear-cut heritage. What we can say is that, from the get-go, this queen was unconventional.
Early in Year 2, a royal messenger came to Deir el-Medina (village of the tomb builders). He brought instructions: “Year II, I Peret Day 8… (A) visit by the agent, bringing the letter… saying ‘Begin the tomb of the King’s Great Wife, Tausret.’”[5] Under normal circumstances, we might assume that tomb would be in the Valley of the Queens, or a nearby necropolis. But it wasn’t. Tausret’s burial monument is right next to her husband’s, in the upper end of the King’s Valley (KV14).[6] What’s more, it’s big, corridors and doorways rivalling his in scale, and decorated in the same beautiful art. That is unusual. Tausret wasn’t the first queen to have tomb in the Valley (a couple of the 18th Dynasty women did, too).[7] But those were modest, often undecorated. Tausret has something large, adorned with beautiful art, easily the equal of Sety’s. In time, she would expand the tomb until it far surpassed her husband’s; but I’m getting ahead of myself.
Sety’s reign got underway, and at first things were good. In the opening months, the King sailed upriver, visiting Nubia. Sety turns up at sites like Abu Simbel, where he may have repaired damage caused by an earthquake.[8] He also visited his grandfather, the deified Ramesses II. A hieroglyph text inside the temple [threshold of doorway from Great Hall to Inner Hall, left/south doorjamb] seems to record an oracle delivered by the great ancestor.[9] The inscription is damaged, but it mentions “great wonders which this god (Ramesses) did…” for (Sety II).[10] Presumably, the statue of Ramesses bowed before Sety, acknowledging the young monarch as his heir.
Enjoying his confirmation, the King carried on touring his realm. Soon enough, he headed north once more, back to the great city Pi-Ramesses. There, he received some troubling news.
Despite his tour of Nubia, pharaoh’s authority in the south was not secure. In fact, someone had declared a rebellion.
Amenmesse’s Rebellion
Sometime in Sety’s second regnal year, a man named Amenmesse (or “Born of Amun”) declared himself the King of Egypt.[11] The rebellion started in the far south, perhaps the fortress of Buhen near Abu Simbel. Excavations in that castle uncovered artefacts, dated to “Year 1 of Amenmesse” which proclaim his identity as Men-mi-Ra (“Established like Ra”) and Setep-en-Ra (“Chose of Ra”).[12] The rebel went all out, taking on royal names and declaring himself “the Pharaoh (LPH) our good lord… the great and effective ruler… son of Ra.”[13]
Who was this usurper?
Amenmesse’s origins are still debated.[14] We know he was part of the extended royal family, possibly a grandson of Ramesses II.[15] His mother was a princess, named Takhat (tA-xt).[16] She bore the title “King’s Daughter” (sAt-nswt).[17] Unfortunately, they don’t say which King was her father. She also appears with the title “King’s Wife” (Hmt-nswt). So, apparently, she was married to a ruler. But again, she doesn’t say which one. Dodson suggests she married Sety II;[18] Servajean argues Merneptah.[19]
So, the mother Takhat was royal, putting Amenmesse in the larger family. But who was his father? Again, scholars divide. Prof. Frederic Servajean suggests that the father was Merneptah, and Amenmesse was a “disinherited” prince of sorts.[20] That’s possible and might explain how he established a power-base so quickly.
Another possibility is Ramesses II. A tiny record from that reign, now in the Louvre, mentions a couple princes and a chap named Amenmesse.[21] The text is damaged, unfortunately, and it doesn’t prove anything definitive. But it adds a candidate to the rebel prince’s heritage.
Finally, Prof. Aidan Dodson thinks the father was none other than Sety II.[22] That Amenmesse rebelled against his own father, seeking to usurp his throne. Again, possible, though I find this one the least likely. No (surviving) record connects the two men. There is also an age problem. The mummy of Sety II appears to be in his mid-late twenties.[23] Even if the body is older than it seems,[24] Amenmesse would have been very young (an early teenager) when all this was going down. It’s not impossible, stranger things have happened. But the rebel uprising took hold rapidly. Which might suggest that Amenmesse was older, someone established in authority, who could quickly gather support.
Here, we come up to a major hypothesis: that Amenmesse has actually appeared in our story before, as a high-ranking royal official. Since the 1970s, a small group of scholars have argued that Amenmesse is the extended version of the name Messuy. That is, the Viceroy of Nubia under King Merneptah. We met him in episode 241, where he held office until Year 7 or 8 of Merneptah’s reign. Then, Messuy abruptly disappears, replaced by a newcomer. It’s possible that Messuy and Amenmesse are the same person. Perhaps, removed from office, the former Viceroy / member of the royal family waited until Merneptah’s passing, then launched his own bid for power.[25]
The key piece of evidence comes from a small temple in Nubia, called Amada.[26] Here, the Viceroy Messuy had carved images of himself on the temple’s outer doors. He kneels before the cartouches of Merneptah (which are either eroded or erased, it’s hard to say). Now, that’s a classic image for Viceroys in this era, nothing too noteworthy. However, on Messuy’s forehead, there are some rather unusual lines. Marks in the sandstone closely resemble the uraeus, or royal cobra. During the New Kingdom, that symbol was reserved for Kings, Queens, and deities; it shouldn’t appear on the head of an official. The only times it does are for men who later ascended to kingship. For example, Horemheb added uraei to his own art, after he became pharaoh.[27] With that in mind, scholars like Rolf Krauss and Aidan Dodson argue that Messuy is merely a short version of “Amun-messwy,” and that he is the same man who later rebelled.[28] The idea is not universally accepted. Dr. Frank Yurco, for example, argued that the cobras are an illusion, merely the result of natural weathering.[29] Fair enough, the blocks are sandstone, which is notoriously soft. But I have visited Amada myself, paying close attention to these reliefs, and they do look an awful lot like uraei. If it were just one, that might be weathering; but they’re both in the right position on the forehead, with the right curvature and overall shape. For natural damage to make that mark twice in exactly the right spot seems like an extreme coincidence. I’ll put my photos on the podcast website, so you can judge for yourself. But for now, I’m following the idea that Messuy is Amenmesse.
Bringing this together… We know that Amenmesse was a member of the extended royal family, through his mother Takhat. What we don’t know is which King he was descended from. Of the three candidates (Ramesses, Merneptah, Sety) I think Ramesses is the most likely, but that’s tentative at best. More recently, the rebel may have served in government as the Viceroy Messuy. That seems reasonably plausible on current evidence and may explain the next part of the story.
The Ruler of Waset
The uprising spread, until it covered most of Nubia. Before too long, the rebel prince had consolidated support among local officials and the army who garrisoned the southern forts. Most notably, he gained the loyalty of Kha-em-Tjitry, the Viceroy (or “King’s Son of Kush”).[30] That was the man who had replaced Messuy; which might sound strange in the “Messuy = Amenmesse” hypothesis. Why would Amenmesse recruit the man who replaced him; and why would Khaemtjitry join that cause?
For Amenmesse, the answer may have been practical: as the current Viceroy, Khaemtjitry had legitimacy, influence in the southern government, and official authority over the forts and garrisons. If he didn’t bring the Viceroy over, the troops might divide between the two parties, leading to a civil war in the south. That could kill Amenmesse’s rebellion before it even got off the ground. That’s hypothetical, but it would explain the prince’s decision. For Khaemtjitry, on the other hand, there was a very clear motivation: advancement. The next time we encounter him, the Viceroy has gained a new title. He became Amenmesse’s Vizier.[31] Apparently, the rebel prince bought the loyalty of his one-time rival, sidestepping potential conflict and uniting the southern empire behind him.
Other high-ranking officials soon fell into line, and Amenmesse took control of Nubia.[32] He now had two things in abundance: soldiers (from the many forts and garrisons); and gold.[33] The eastern mines delivered their products to the usurper, with which he could reward loyalists and perhaps recruit allies (say, from Kush). It would take time to accumulate that wealth, with deliveries from the highlands, but it was a strong foundation for his plans.
After consolidating his power in Nubia, Amenmesse was finally ready to expand. The rebel and his troops began moving north. It must have been swift, because the next time we encounter him, Amenmesse had arrived at Waset.
By the start of Sety’s third regnal year (c.1213 BCE) records for the King dry up in the southern city. Instead, Amenmesse takes over and begins carving his name on monuments. We start to learn his full titulary, the five royal names by which he would be identified. A couple of them are revealing.[34] For example, the usurper called himself “Great of Marvels in Ipet-Sut (Karnak)” and “Great of Might, Who Makes Waset Great for the One that Created Him (referencing Amun.” Finally, he called himself “Amen-messe-Ruler-of-Waset.” The common thread here is a focus on the southern city, and its gods. Which suggests that Amenmesse took Waset as his capital. Sety II was in the north, most likely at Pi-Ramesses.
For the first time in centuries, Egypt was divided.
[1] Krogman & Baer (1980). Age at Death of Pharaohs of the New Kingdom, Determined from X-Ray Films. In Harris & Wente (Eds.), An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies (pp. 188–212) online.
[2] Leprohon, R. J. (2013). The Great Name: Ancient Egyptian Royal Titulary, 122—123.
[3] Kitchen, K. A. (1987). The Titularies of the Ramesside Kings as Expression of their Ideal Kingship. Annales Du Service Des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 71, 131–141. online.
[4] Callender, G. (2012). Female Horus: The Life and Reign of Tausret. In R. H. Wilkinson (Ed.), Tausret: Forgotten Queen and Pharaoh of Egypt (pp. 25–47).
[5] O. CG72452: KRI IV, 404; RITA IV, 289; RITANC IV, 350—351; DEM database; Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 44, 152 n. 52; Callender, “The Life and Reign of Tausret,” 28—29.
[6] https://thebanmappingproject.com/tombs/kv-14-tausert-and-setnakht
[7] E.g. KV42 (Hatshepsut-Meryt-Ra); KV60 (Sit-Ra); and KV32.
[8] Hopper, “Monuments of Amenmesse and Seti II,” 554—556. Hopper notes the record is ambiguous, which is true, but only Sety II left a royal inscription on the repairs, tentatively suggesting he was responsible.
[9] PM VII, 108—109 (29); RITANC IV, 236—237.
[10] KRI IV, 275; RITA IV, 197.
[11] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 31—67; Servajean, Merneptah et la fin de la XIXe dynastie, 62—81; Hopper, “Monuments of Amenmesse and Seti II,” 647—655; Krauss, R. (1976). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse (1. Teil). Studien Zur Altägyptischen Kultur, 4, 161–199. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25150008; Krauss, R. (1977). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse (2. Teil). Studien Zur Altägyptischen Kultur, 5, 131–174. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44324535;Krauss, R. (1997). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse: Nachträge. Studien Zur Altägyptischen Kultur, 24, 161–184. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25152736.
[12] RITA IV, 146.
[13] KRI IV, 202:10—202:15; RITA IV, 146.
[14] For a review of the early scholarly hypotheses, see Hopper, “Monuments of Amenmesse and Seti II,” particularly 1—20. More recently, see Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 35—46; Servajean, Merneptah et la fin de la XIXe dynastie, 62—66.
[15] Cooney, K. M. (2022), “The New Kingdom of Egypt Under the Ramesside Dynasty,” in The Oxford History of the Ancient Near East, Volume III: From the Hyksos to the Late Second Millennium BC (pp. 251–366); Servajean, Merneptah et la fin de la XIXe dynastie, 2014, 62—66; Davies, RITANC, IV, xxxvii, n. 7.
[16] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 40—42, 48—50;
[17] Grajetzki, W. (2005). Ancient Egyptian Queens: A Hieroglyphic Dictionary, 71;
[18] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 40—43.
[19] Servajean, Merneptah et la fin de la XIXe dynastie, 63.
[20] Servajean, Merneptah et la fin de la XIXe dynastie, 64.
[21] Schneider, “Conjectures About Amenmesse,” 447—448.
[22] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 40—41.
[23] Krogman, W. M., & Baer, M. J. (1980). Age at Death of Pharaohs of the New Kingdom, Determined from X-Ray Films. In J. E. Harris & E. F. Wente (Eds.), An X-Ray Atlas of the Royal Mummies (pp. 188–212). https://archive.org/details/xrayatlasofroyal0000unse; Smith, G. E. (1912). The Royal Mummies, 73—81 calls him a “young man” without specifying age.
[24] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 81—82, n. 61. Against this model, see Dabbs, G. R., & Rose, J. C. (2018). The S-Word Addressed: Estimating Age from Human Skeletal Remains. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 54, 41–44. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27325374
[25] Krauss, R. (1977). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse (2. Teil). Studien Zur Altägyptischen Kultur, 5, 131–174. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44324535; Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 37—40.
[26] Wilkinson, Complete Temples of Ancient Egypt, 221.
[27] See Martin, G. T. (2016). Tutankhamun’s Regent: Scenes and Texts from the Memphite Tomb of Horemheb.
[28] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 37—41; Krauss, R. (1976). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse (1. Teil). SAK, 4, 161—199; Krauss, R. (1977). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse (2. Teil). SAK, 5, 131—174; Krauss, R. (1981). Zur historischen Einordnung Amenmesses und zur Chronologie der 19./20. Dynastie. GM, 45, 27–33; Krauss, R. (1997). Untersuchungen zu König Amenmesse: Nachträge. SAK, 24, 161—184.
[29] Yurco, F. J. (1997). Was Amenmesse the Viceroy of Kush, Messuy? JARCE, 34, 49–56. https://doi.org/10.2307/40001099
[30] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 44, 58.
[31] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 32.
[32] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 51.
[33] Cooney, The New Kingdom of Egypt under the Ramesside Dynasty,” 204.
[34] Leprohon, Great Name, 123—124; Dodson, Poisoned Legacy (Revised edn), 47.
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