Merneptah started his reign aggressively, striking a belligerent tone in his royal names and launching an expedition to Canaan in the first few years. In the process, his troops captured Ashkelon, Gezer, and Yenoam, and dealt with a tribe called “Israel.” Simultaneously, Merneptah achieved a great diplomatic coup when we brought Ugarit back into the Egyptian sphere.
Music by Keith Zizza & Luke Chaos.
Video version & full pdf booklet available at my Patreon.
Accession
In 1225 BCE, around November, Egypt’s Valley of the Kings bustled with activity. Porters and priests gathered up their tools, while labourers shovelled basket loads of sand and rubble into a pit. The funeral of Ramesses II was ending, and they were burying his tomb.
Nearby, a chariot stood waiting, perhaps fitted with a parasol umbrella.[1] In the cart stood a man clad in the finest linen robes, and a crown glittering with gold. He was tall for the era, about 1.7m (5’6”);[2] he was balding, and possibly quite slender. His name was Mer-ny-Ptah (Beloved of Ptah), the new King of Egypt.
It had been a long time coming. Merneptah was the thirteenth son of Ramesses II. The eldest survivor of the great pharaoh’s brood, Merneptah had come to prominence about twelve years earlier. For over a decade, he had served as a top-ranking army commander, a representative of the King, and a leader of political offices.[3] Now, at last, he was pharaoh.
The achievement would be short-lived.
By the time he inherited power, Merneptah was in his mid-forties or so. An elder statesman by ancient standards, and he already suffered physical ailments. The King’s body survives today, and studies show that he had poor dental health, degenerative bone diseases, and atherosclerosis (hardening the arteries). Like his father before him, Merneptah would have suffered tooth pain, pain in the limbs, and poor blood flow in the extremities. Coming to power in the early winter, his visit to the Valley of the Kings may have been discomforting.
Whatever his age, though, Merneptah would be an active King. His time in power was eventful, and in hindsight, Merneptah’s reign is the “pivot point” of the 19th pharaonic Dynasty. Decisions made in this era, and challenges faced, would have long-lasting effects on the royal house and wider Egyptian society.
It began with a name.
Names
Figure 1. Merneptah’s names (Pharaoh.se).
As pharaoh, Merneptah called himself BA-n(y)-Ra, meaning “The Ram (or Soul) of Ra.”[4] This was quite unusual; we don’t often see rulers calling themselves the “BA” of something.[5] It also broke a pattern that had been forming under his predecessors. Eighty years earlier, Ramesses I had called himself Men-Pehty-Ra (Ra’s Strength is Established). Sety I elaborated on that and named himself Men-Ma’at-Ra (Ra’s Order is Established). Ramesses II further elaborated to become Usir-Ma’at-Ra (Ra’s Order is Mighty). An evolving trend, but a trend nonetheless. Merneptah discarded that.
Why?
According to Kenneth Kitchen, Merneptah’s royal names reveal something of his political personality, and maybe even his emotional state. In 1987, Kitchen described the situation: “At his accession, Merenptah had a problem: how does one follow a king like Ramesses II without being overshadowed by him? His solution was to express the same basic ideals, but as differently as possible from his formidable father.”[6]
That’s going to be a common theme for this ruler. Beginning in his father’s shadow, Merneptah strove to build on what had come before, while making his own mark on the royal identity.
So, the Kingly name was something new and innovative. The personal name we’ve already seen: Mer-ny-Ptah (Beloved of Ptah). You’ll also find it written as Mer-en-Ptah, which is perfectly valid. To the personal name, pharaoh added the epithet Hetep-Hr-Ma’at, “One Who Satisfies (or Is Satisfied With) Order.” So, he was Beloved-of-Ptah, Contented-with-Ma’at. A nice pious name.
Today, you’ll often find the name written Mer-en-Ptah, which is perfectly valid and functional. In terms of pronunciation, it probably sounded like Marniptah Hatpamua. We learn that from letters, received from rulers in Syria (which I’ll explain shortly). So, Merneptah, Merenptah, Marniptah, take your pick.
The rest of the royal names were equally grandiose, but they also carry important messages about pharaoh’s intent. As a Horus (god of kingship), Merneptah called himself kA nxt Ha m MAat, “Victorious Bull, Who Rejoices in Ma’at.” The King intended to uphold the established order. Normal enough. Then, suddenly, things get aggressive. For the Two Ladies name, invoking goddesses of north and south, he was the ir bAw r tA n tmHw, “One Who Has Exercised Power Against the Land of the Tjemehu.” This name referenced war against the peoples of Libya to the west. And as the Golden Horus, or Golden Falcon, Merneptah was nb snD aA-Sfyt, “Lord of Terror, Great of Dread.” Apparently, the new King wanted to inspire awe and fear in those who beheld him. The sort of leader happy to wield their authority.
You don’t need to remember these three names, but there a couple takeaways. First and foremost, Merneptah struck a belligerent tone. There’s a strong militaristic bent to his titles, conveying a sense of terror and overbearing might. Again, it marks a change from what came before. Ramesses II had used such imagery occasionally, but mostly on the side. Merneptah made warfare a central part of his public persona.
He would follow through on that, repeatedly.
The Canaanite Campaign
The first war occurred in the north, when Merneptah sent an army to Canaan. Marching on behalf of the pharaoh, Egyptian troops defeated three major cities and occupied them and turned their weapons against nomadic tribes moving through the region. We learn this from a series of wall-carvings at Karnak Temple and a grand stela erected in the King’s Memorial Temple in Luxor.[7] Thanks to these records, historianshave a rough outline of Merneptah’s Canaanite campaign.
The stela is quite famous among ancient historians. It goes by two names, either the “Victory Stela of Merneptah” (self-explanatory) or the “Israel Stela.” You’ll see why. Commissioned late in his reign, and looking back on past events, the stela gives a long poetic description of Merneptah’s victories over all foreign lands. We hear about Nubians and Libyans (more on them in future); and right at the end, the King discusses Canaan. He says:[8]
“All the rulers are prostrate saying “Peace” (SArma, Salaam / Shalom)…
Hatti is at peace (xtA m Htp).
Canaan is seized by every evil (HAq pA kAnana m bin nb).
Ashkelon is taken away (inw IsqArny).
Gezer is captured (mH m qADAr).
Yenoam is made as though it never existed (iinwam irw m tn wn).
The Israel-tribe is desolated, without its seed (iysyriAr/l fkt bn prt.f).
Syria appears as a widow because of Ta-Mery (xArw xprw m xArt m tA-mry).
==
There’s a lot of rhetoric there, but a few details give us the picture.[9] It seems that pharaoh’s army marched across Sinai, entered Canaan from the south, then headed north and east. Following the coastal road, they attacked the great city of ASHKELON (or IsqArny). Previously, this town had been semi-independent; part of the Egyptian empire, but free to manage its own affairs (as long as it gave tribute).[10] Now, Merneptah and his soldiers conquered and occupied it.
Next, the army turned northeast, marching into the highlands between the coast and Dead Sea. There, they attacked a town called GEZER (or qADAr). This was a mighty town, with thick walls and powerful gates.[11] Nonetheless, the Egyptian army overwhelmed their warriors and occupied the city.
With that done, the troops of pharaoh turned north, towards the Jezreel Valley. There, just south of the Sea of Galilee, was a town called YENOAM (iinwam).[12] It had been troublesome in the past. Sety I had faced the Yenoamites in battle and subdued them.[13] Now, Merneptah did the same.
Finally, the pharaoh’s troops marched against a nomadic tribe called iysyriAr, or iysyriAl. Which scholars tend to agree is an early form of the group ISRAEL.[14] Apparently Merneptah defeated them harshly. Pharaoh says that, after his troops attacked, the tribe was now “without its seed” (fkt bn prt.f). Biblical scholars have speculated that this is a metaphor for destroying future generations (“seed” meaning progeny).[15] However, Egyptian texts don’t use the word in that manner.[16] The pharaoh probably meant it literally. His army defeated the Israel tribe and stole all their food. Ouch.
To date, Merneptah’s Victory Stela is the earliest known reference to a tribe called “Israel.” And the interpretations of this text, especially regarding the Bible, are quite an interesting discussion. I’ll explore that in the Epilogue for this episode. For now, let’s stick with Merneptah.
The Victory Stela describes the itinerary. At Karnak, Merneptah’s wall reliefs lay out the artistic version. You can find these scenes directly south of the great Hypostyle Hall, next to Ramesses II’s “Hittite Treaty.” Across a series of vignettes, Merneptah rides his chariot against enemies and assaults the major towns.[17] He takes prisoners from the local Canaanites and the nomadic Shasu (or Bedouin).[18] The king binds them up and brings them back to Egypt. Classic stuff, you can find scenes like these on a dozen Ramessid temples.
Figure 2. Karnak: Merneptah assaults Gezer(?). Wreszinski, Atlas, pl. 57a.
As for the archaeology, there are some hints of Merneptah’s activity. The city of Ashkelon, for example, was partially burned around this time (which might be the result of the attack). It also has a new fortress built in the Ramessid era, with mudbrick walls and Egyptian-style pottery.[19] The site is only partly excavated, so we don’t know how badly the city was damaged; but Merneptah’s troops may have torn down at least one section and built a fortress to guard it.
The second target, Gezer, also has a destruction layer, dating to the late 13th Century. One of the elite buildings here was burned to the ground, and the collapsing structure killed and buried a couple folks.[20] It’s unclear, though, if that was accidental destruction or the work of Merneptah’s troops.[21] That might be the work of Merneptah’s troops, but we can’t say for certain. As for Yenoam, well, we’re not sure. The town is probably in the Galilee region (based on historical references), but the archaeological site is not yet identified.
Beyond the damage or changes to the towns, smaller artefacts have turned up, with links to Merneptah. At Gezer, for instance, archaeologists found a sun-dial made of ivory, that bore the King’s cartouches.[22]
At any rate, the archaeological picture suggests that Merneptah was not destroying these communities.[23] Rather, he was occupying them.
But… wait… why was he doing this? Wasn’t Canaan pacified, part of the Egyptian empire? What reason was there for a war?
As far as the Victory Stela goes, we don’t get an explanation, but there are a couple possibilities.
It may have been a rebellion. Scholars like Kenneth Kitchen and Frederic Servajean argue that Ashkelon, Gezer, and Yenoam, had launched a coordinated uprising.[24] Pierre Grandet recently described it as “a revolt of unprecedented extent and gravity…” with Merneptah’s army going forth in a “war of repression.”[25] This rebellion angle is plausible; the early years of any reign were a good time for “testing the limits.” It’s certainly possible that three mighty cities were trying to throw off Egyptian rule.
If there was a rebellion, it might explain the next step in the archaeological story. You see, starting in the 19th Dynasty, the Egyptian pharaohs began to tighten their grip on Canaan.[26] Across the region, between the coast and the Dead Sea, archaeology reveals a sharp increase in Egyptian activity. New forts were raised, with garrisons at strategic locations. Archaeologists have uncovered a dozen of these, at sites like Gaza, Deir el-Balah, Tell Sera, Aphek, and more.[27] The forts are usually built on hills (or Tells) commanding strategic roads and valleys. They are evenly spaced, about 25km (15miles) apart, which soldiers could cover in a day.[28] From the sites themselves, excavators have uncovered pottery, buildings, food and equipment all dating to the Ramessid era.[29] All this was a massive change from the 18th Dynasty. Back then, rulers like Thutmose and Amunhotep had allowed the locals to manage their own affairs. [30] They demanded tribute, and reinforcements when marching to war; but overall, the 18th Dynasty empire was a “light hand.”
So, what changed?
Merneptah himself described Canaan as “seized by every evil.”[31] That could be rebellion, or it could be something larger. Though he didn’t know it, pharaoh’s campaign took place in the early stages of the Late Bronze Age Collapse. Starting in the mid-13th Century, and lasting approximately two hundred years, multiple communities in the Eastern Mediterranean suffered catastrophic upheavals.[32] Drought ravaged farmland and caused food shortages (even famine).[33] Earthquakes destroyed or severely damaged cities (like Ugarit). Raiding parties and invaders brought destruction to prominent communities. And within Canaan especially, the migrating “Sea Peoples” (in their separate tribes) settled in various regions, including towns like Ashkelon.[34] That is still a few decades in the future. But if we step back from Merneptah, and look at the grand sweep of history, his campaign fits in the larger context of disorder and change. The “evils” that pharaoh references could very well be early stages of the Collapse.
The Empire Contracts?
Bringing all this together… Merneptah sent his army north into Canaan. They attacked and conquered three major towns, and defeated a tribe called “Israel” somewhere in the region. Around the same time, Egyptians were building forts across southern Canaan at strategic locations.
Notably, these efforts were concentrated much further south than previous generations. Sety I and Ramesses II had marched far and wide, deep into modern Syria. But Merneptah focussed on the regions south of Galilee. He still had business in Syria (as we’ll see in a moment). But overall, there seems to be a consolidation rather than expansion. Perhaps it was just good strategy. He who defends everything defends nothing, and those forts in southern Canaan provided a strong bulwark against any enemy trying to approach the Nile. However you look at it though, it seems that Merneptah’s empire had shrunk.[35]
These were evil days, indeed.
A Win in Ugarit
While he didn’t have the expansionist reach of his father or grandfather, Merneptah did achieve something that had eluded Ramesses and Sety. It concerns Syria and the Hittites.
From the start of the reign, the new pharaoh continued one of Ramesses II’s famous policies. Egyptian ships continued sailing to Hatti to deliver grain for the Hittite kings. Merneptah boasted of this on one of his monuments, saying: “It is in order to make this Hatti-land live that I have caused grain to be sent in ships…”[36] Food shortages were afflicting Hatti and Syria, and we’ve encountered some of them already, in episode 233. Merneptah apparently continued his father’s policy of despatching grain to the Hittites.
While supporting his northern ally, the new pharaoh was not averse to some additional plotting. In fact, early in his reign, Merneptah took the opportunity to “befriend” one of Hatti’s own vassals.
On the west coast of Syria, a city called UGARIT (𐎜𐎂𐎗𐎚) had a long history.[37] Strategically located, where the trade routes from Cyprus meet those of Mesopotamia, Ugarit had prospered with international exchange. For a while, it had come under Egyptian influence;[38] but in the late 13th Century, the rising Hittite Empire had made it their vassal.[39] Now, a hundred years later, Hatti’s power was waning. Their heartland suffered drought.[40] Famine stalked their lands.[41] Enemies pressed against their frontiers, and the Great King even suffered a crushing defeat against the Assyrians in Mesopotamia.[42] We actually hear about this from Ugarit itself, thanks to a letter sent by the Assyrian king: “I called my camp herald (and said to him): ‘Put on your armour and mount your chariots. The king of Hatti arrives in battle order.’ I harnessed […] my chariot and made a charge, [shouting(?) ‘the king(?) of Ha]tti comes ready to do battle!’ . . . Truthfully, I won a great victory.”[43] Clearly, the Hittite kings could no longer guard Syria properly, and the people of Ugarit knew that.
Unfortunately, such political uncertainty arrived at a time of trouble for the city itself. Around 1250 (approximately), Ugarit suffered a devastating earthquake.[44] The city was not destroyed, merely damaged, but it took its toll on the settlement.[45] Notably, Ugarit’s great temple, dedicated to Ba’al, was badly damaged by the quake.[46] In the time of Merneptah, they were still repairing it.
With Hatti declining, and of no help at all, the local ruler did the best he could. He turned to Merneptah. Clay tablets found in the ruins of Ugarit record letters between their city and the Egyptian court.[47] These messages come from Merneptah himself and they reveal the city’s difficulties:
“…you (the King of Ugarit) had written to me (Merneptah) saying… ‘[In] the land of Ugarit there is severe hunger. May my lord save [our land] and may the king give grain to save my life… and to save the citizens of the land of Ugarit.’”[48]
Apparently, Merneptah delivered on the request, sending a cargo of seven thousand dried fish, along with textiles and gold.[49]
On another occasion, the King of Ugarit requested help rebuilding the temple of Ba’al.[50] He requested that Merneptah “grant that a sculptor be sent and [that he come] to m[e(?)] to make an image of Marniptah Hatpamua …in the temple that I am currently building for Baal of Ugarit.”[51]
Presumably, the cult statues and shrines of Ba’al had suffered damage in the earthquake. Now, the Syrian ruler wanted an Egyptian artisan to help make new statues. Why he didn’t just ask for the statues themselves, we don’t know. His phrasing is interesting, though, he asks for a statue to go opposite one that already existed and which “he” (the pharaoh) “has placed in the temple…” That suggests that Merneptah had already sent a statue of Ba’al himself for the sanctuary in Ugarit. That statue hasn’t survived, as far as anyone knows; but you can imagine it
Anyway… While he may have already sent a statue of Ba’al, Merneptah declined this second request. He claimed that his artisans were “engaged in fulfilling their duty for the great gods of Egypt.”[52] Fair enough, Merneptah was building a lot of monuments in his kingdom. But pharaoh did promise that, when they were done, he’d send some artisans to Ugarit. In the meantime, Merneptah delivered more supplies, including ropes (about 600m worth); a large quantity of ebony wood; a thousand plaques/tiles made of coloured stone. The sorts of things you’d need for building a lavish temple complex. Pharaoh sent them all, delivered by a royal official named Ammaia and a fleet of “ships of the treasury.”
The King also sent a sword, stamped with his name, which archaeologists found in the ruins of Ugarit itself.[53] The sword has a straight blade (like a Naue II type), similar to those wielded by Sherden / Sea Peoples. Later, a statue of the King possibly erected in the city?[54] And a votive stela of Mamy (MAmy), Royal Scribe and Overseer of the Palace Treasuries, was dedicated to Ba’al Saphon.[55]
All this aid speaks to something more significant. The Great King of Hatti was no longer Ugarit’s benefactor. The pharaoh of Egypt was. And the Ugarites were quite happy to, if possible, set up a statue of Merneptah in the temple of Ba’al. Such an image, at the sacred heart of the city, sends a pretty clear message. Ugarit was returning to the Egyptian empire.[56] Merneptah declined the request initially (perhaps out of diplomatic politeness) but he still sent the supplies; and who knows, maybe the Egyptian sculptors made their way to Ugarit eventually. However you look at it, though, it seems that pharaoh had scored a diplomatic victory. Ugarit once more was a vassal.
Conclusion
Merneptah’s army cut a victorious swathe through Canaan. Although he probably didn’t lead it in person, the King had his first (royal) taste of victory. And if, as I suspect, the Egyptians had a larger strategic goal, they almost certainly achieved it. The annexation of Ashkelon, Gezer, and Yenoam plugged three “gaps” in the imperial frontier; and the destruction of this “Israel” tribe removed a nomadic threat. The policy brought security, but at a cost. The empire had contracted, and the pharaoh’s military reach was less than his fathers.
Further afield, there was good news. Hatti was at peace, and still reliant on Egyptian grain. More notably, the wealthy city of Ugarit had broken with its old masters and returned to Egyptian friendship.
Overall, things were still looking good. Southern Canaan was secure, and the return of Ugarit was a massive win. As the first few years came to a close, Merneptah could satisfy himself with a job well done.
Unfortunately, the good times were short-lived. In fact, as the expedition army returned from Canaan, news arrived in Merneptah’s palace. To the west, tribes in Libya had gathered in a coalition, along with some strange “Peoples of the Sea.” They were on the move, heading towards the Nile Valley, and they came armed.
Egypt was being invaded.
Epilogue: A Tribe Called Israel
Merneptah’s Victory Stela claims that “the Israel-people are desolated, without its seed (iysyriAr fkt bn prt.f).” To date, this is the earliest-known reference to a tribe called Israel. But what does it mean? Who were these people, where and how were they living, and how closely do they connect with the Biblical stories?[57]
This is a vast topic, that multiple scholars have written entire books debating. For our story, though, we focus on Merneptah and the late 13th Century. What can we glean from that context?
Regarding the Victory Stela, the text lays out a couple clear points. Firstly, the scribe writing this text defined the “Israel” group differently from other Canaanite places. When referencing Askhelon, Gezer, and Yenoam, the scribe used a particular hieroglyph to define those places. The symbol is a three-pronged cluster of hills, used in words like xAst “foreign land.”[58]
For “Israel,” however, they use a different one: a man and a woman seated atop three vertical strokes (marking a plural).[59] This is the hieroglyph used in words like “family” (Abt) and “tribe” (mhwt).[60] So, from the text, we seem to get a definition. Merneptah considered this “Israel” group a group rather than a region; a tribe rather than a kingdom.[61]
Okay, so they’re not quite settled or sedentary. Where were they living? The Victory Stela seems to present its locations in a south-north order (Ashkelon, Gezer, Yenoam). Israel comes after that, so (in theory) they should be north of Yenoam, perhaps in the Galilee area.[62] Even that is debated, though. Scholars like Anson Rainey propose the East Bank of the Jordan River.[63] Others, like William Dever, argue for the West Bank and central hill countries.[64] Israel Finkelstein favours a desert fringe (either in the Negev or Samarian highlands); Dan’el Kahn favours southern Canaan.[65] Ann
Everyone is working from the same archaeological corpus, but the sites and evidence that each scholar prioritizes can lead to radically different interpretations. To date, we don’t have a firm consensus.
Finally, the big question. Is this “Israel” group the same one described in the Hebrew Bible (specifically the Books of Exodus, Joshua, and Judges)? Were they a single population on the move, perhaps fleeing Egypt, that invaded and settled Canaan?
Here, the archaeological consensus broadly points in one direction. Rather than a straight up “conquest” (described in Joshua), the earliest Israelites seem to have emerged from the local Canaanite population.[66] Settlement patterns, architecture, artefacts, burial customs, and even traces of diet point to a group that developed within an existing culture rather than replacing it. The mechanisms and processes by which this happened are still debated, and there are competing models.[67] And the more traditionalist historians, like Kenneth Kitchen, still retained the Biblical view.[68] But looking at the evidence from the land itself, archaeologists no longer follow that “Conquest” model.[69] In the Late Bronze Age, the first Israelites appear to have been Canaanites.
Oddly enough, Merneptah’s art seems to support that view. At Karnak, all Merneptah’s enemies are stereotypical “Canaanites” and “Bedouin.”[70] They wear the same costumes, have the same facial features, and fall before pharaoh in the same manner. Apparently, the Egyptians saw no difference (culturally) between any of these groups. Which gives the impression that this new tribe were locals, rather than outsiders (or invaders). We don’t take that as gospel, so to speak; Egyptian art can be frightfully formulaic, and what did a conquering warlord care about minor differences in the subject populations? Still, considering how large Egypt looms in the Bible, it’s interesting that pharaonic artists made no effort to identify this tribe.
Bringing it all together… what have we learned? Merneptah’s stela is the earliest definitive reference to “Israel.”[71] But the text doesn’t tell us much, only that a group with that name lived somewhere in Canaan.[72] Based on archaeological material, they were probably Canaanites themselves, perhaps pastoralists or farmers. They may have lived in the southern and central highlands, or the northern valleys. And allegedly, Merneptah defeated them and stole their grain. For now, that’s all we know.
Nevertheless, the reference is intriguing; and you have to wonder if it’s yet another piece in the larger puzzle of the Late Bronze Age Collapse? As drought swept the Eastern Mediterranean, earthquakes struck major sites, and raiders devastated communities… perhaps these “evils” afflicting Canaan allowed some groups to prosper, where their neighbours did not.[73]
Needless to say, the reign of Merneptah in the late 13th Century is just a small prelude to the story of this tribe. We’ll see them again.
[1] Kawai, N., Okada, Y., Oishi, T., Kagesawa, M., Nishisaka, A., & Kamal, H. (2020). The Ceremonial Canopied Chariot of Tutankhamun (JE61990 and JE60705) A Tentative Virtual Reconstruction. CIPEG, 4, 1–11 online.
[2] Smith, G. E. (1912). The Royal Mummies, 65—70; Hawass, Z. A., & Saleem, S. N. (2016). Scanning the Pharaohs: CT Imaging in the New Kingdom Royal Mummies, 166—171.
[3] See episode 235, “Ramesses the Great God.”
[4] For Merneptah’s names, see Pharaoh.se.
[5] Iskander, Reign of Merneptah, 248—249.
[6] Kitchen, K. A. (1987). The Titularies of the Ramesside Kings as Expression of their Ideal Kingship. Annales Du Service Des Antiquités de l’Égypte, 71, 131–141. https://archive.org/details/ASAE-71-1987
[7] Yurco, F. J. (1986). Merenptah’s Canaanite Campaign. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt, 23, 189–215. https://doi.org/10.2307/40001099;
[8] KRI IV, 12—19; RITA IV, 10—15; RITANC IV, 8—11; Davies, Historical Inscriptions of the Nineteenth Dynasty, 173—189; Transcription & translation by Mark-Jan Nederhof available online.
[9] Ashkelon and Gezer are well-documented. Morris, Architecture of Imperialism, 397 fig. 29.
[10] Higginbotham, Egyptianization and Elite Emulation in Ramesside Palestine, 136—138.
[11] Bunimovitz, S. (1983). Glacis 10014 and Gezer’s Late Bronze Age Fortifications. Tel Aviv, 10(1), 61–70. https://doi.org/10.1179/tav.1983.1983.1.61.
[12] Yenoam’s location is uncertain, but I have followed Na’aman, N. (1977). Yeno’am. Tel Aviv, 4(3–4), 168–177. https://doi.org/10.1179/033443577788497687.
[13] Abbas, M. R. (2017), ‘The Town of Yenoam in the Ramesside War Scenes and Texts of Karnak’, Cahiers de Karnak 16, 329—341.
[14] RITANC IV, 9—10.
[15] See Steiner, “Merenptah’s Israel,” 333—334, 383.
[16] Hasel, Domination & Resistance, 201—203.
[17] Heinz, S. C. (2001). Die Feldzugsdarstellungen des Neuen Reiches: Eine Bildanalyse, pls. 294—297.
[18] Yurco, F. J. (1990). 3,200-year-old picture of Israelites found in Egypt. Biblical Archaeology Review, 16(5), 20–38 online.
[19] Martin, M. A. S. (2008). Egyptians at Ashkelon? An assemblage of Egyptian and Egyptian-style pottery. Egypt and the Levant, 18, 245–274. https://doi.org/10.1553/AEundL18s245
[20] Ortiz, S., & Wolff, S. R. (2022). Pharaoh’s Fury: Merneptah’s Destruction of Gezer. Biblical Archaeology Review, 48, 48–54.
[21] Morris, E. F. (2005). The Architecture of Imperialism: Military Bases and the Evolution of Foreign Policy in Egypt’s New Kingdom, 564.
[22] KRI IV, 24; RITA IV, 20; RITANC IV, 14.
[23] Hasel, M. G. (1998). Domination & Resistance: Egyptian Military Activity in the Southern Levant, ca. 1300-1185 BC., 240—256.
[24] Kitchen, “Review of Les monuments du roi Merenptah, by H. Sourouzian,” in JEA 79 (1993), 305; Servajean, Mérenptah et la fin de la XIXe dynastie, 30—36;
[25] Grandet, P. (2022). Egypt’s New Kingdom in Contact with the World. In The Oxford History of the Ancient Near East (pp. 367–454), specifically 437.
[26] Singer, I. (1988). Merneptah’s Campaign to Canaan and the Egyptian Occupation of the Southern Coastal Plain of Palestine in the Ramesside Period. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 269, 1–10. https://doi.org/10.2307/1356946
[27] Morris, Architecture of Imperialism, 382—398; Dever, W. G. (2017). Beyond the texts: An archaeological portrait of ancient Israel and Judah, 82 figs. 2.8, 2.9, 131—132.
[28] Morris, Architecture of Imperialism, 388.
[29] Streit, K. (2019). Archaeological Evidence for the Presence of Egyptians in the Southern Levant During the Late Bronze Age—A Reappraisal. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 21, 68—87.
[30] Morris, E. F. (2018). Ancient Egyptian Imperialism, 141—164; Na’aman, N. (1981). Economic Aspects of the Egyptian Occupation of Canaan. Israel Exploration Journal, 31(3/4), 172—185. www.jstor.org/stable/27925797
[31] KRI IV, 19:3—4; RITA IV, 15.
[32] For a recent summary of the phenomenon, see Cline, E. H. (2021). 1177 B.C. The Year Civilization Collapsed (Revised edn), particularly 134—180.
[33] Kaniewski, D., Campo, E. V., Guiot, J., Burel, S. L., Otto, T., & Baeteman, C. (2013). Environmental Roots of the Late Bronze Age Crisis. PLOS ONE, 8(8), e71004 online.
[34] Dothan, T. (2000). Reflections on the Initial Phase of Philistine Settlement. In E. D. Oren (Ed.), The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment (pp. 145–158).
[35] Kahn, D. (2012). A geo-political and historical perspective of Merenptah’s policy in Canaan. In D. Kahn, A. M. Maeir, A. Gilboa, & G. Galil (Eds.), The Ancient Near East in the 12th-10th centuries BCE: culture and history (pp. 255–268). Academia.edu
[36] Manassa, Great Karnak Inscription, 34—35.
[37] Singer, I. (2011). The Calm Before the Storm: Selected Writings of Itamar Singer on the late Bronze Age in Anatolia and the Levant, 19—146. Originally published as Singer, I. (1999). A Political History of Ugarit. In W. Watson & N. Wyatt (Eds.), Handbook of Ugaritic Studies (pp. 603–733) online.
[38] Devecchi, E. (2019). A Reluctant Servant: Ugarit Under Foreign Rule During the Late Bronze Age. In J. Mynářová et al. (Eds.), A Stranger in the House—The Crossroads III (pp. 121–135).
[39] Singer, Calm Before the Storm, 39—103.
[40] Allcock, S. L. (2017). Long-term socio-environmental dynamics and adaptive cycles in Cappadocia, Turkey during the Holocene. Quaternary International, 446, 66–82 online; Roberts, N. (2017). The Land of the Hittites: Airs, Waters and Places. In M. Weeden & L. Z. Ullmann (Eds.), Hittite Landscape and Geography (pp. 17–27) online.
[41] Summary in Divon, S. A. (2008). A Survey of the Textual Evidence for “Food Shortage” from the Late Hittite Empire. In The City of Emar Among the Late Bronze Age Empires (pp. 101–109) online.
[42] Bryce, T. (2005). The Kingdom of the Hittites (2nd edn), 313—319.
[43] Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites (2nd edn), 317 cf. RS 34.165, via Lackenbacher (1982), “‘Nouveaux documents d’Ugarit’, RAss 76: 141–56.
[44] Cline, E. H. (2021). 1177 B.C. The Year Civilization Collapsed (Revised edn), 135 214 nn. 5, 6.
[45] Yon, M. (2006). The City of Ugarit at Tell Ras Shamra, 36; Callot and Yon, “Urbanisme and Architecture,” in Yon et al. (eds.), Ras Shamra-Ougarit XI: Le Pays d’Ougarit autor de 1200 AB. J.-C.: Histoire et archeologie (1995), 155—168 online.
[46] Callot, O. (2011). Les sanctuaires de l’acropole d’Ougarit, Les temples de Baal et de Dagan.
[47] Singer, The Calm Before the Storm, 107–116; Lackenbacher, S., & Malbran-Labat, F. (2016). Lettres en Akkadien de la “Maison d’Urtēnu,” 81—88.
[48] Lackenbacher, S., & Malbran-Labat, F. (2016). Lettres en Akkadien de la “Maison d’Urtēnu,” 81—88.
[49] Cohen, Y. (2021). The “Hunger Years” and the “Sea Peoples”: Preliminary Observations on the Recently Published Letters from the “House of Urtenu” Archive at Ugarit. In P. Machinist et al. (Eds.), Essays in Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Edward L. Greenstein (pp. 47–61) Academia.edu.
[50] Lackenbacher, S. (1995). Une Correspondence entre l’administration du pharaon Merneptah et le roi d’Ougarit. In Le pays d’Ougarit autour de 1200 av. J.-C.: Histoire et archéologie online; Morris, E. F. (2015). Egypt, Ugarit, the God Ba’al, and the Puzzle of a Royal Rebuff. In J. Mynářová, et al. (Eds.), There and Back Again—The Crossroads II (pp. 315–351) online.
[51] Lackenbacher, “Une correspondence,” 78.
[52] Lackenbacher, “Une correspondence,” 79.
[53] Singer, The Calm Before the Storm, 109 cf. Schaeffer, Ugaritica III (1956) and Helck in Dietrich & Loretz (1995), Ugarit: Ein Ostmediterranes Kultuzentrum…, 93.
[54] Singer, The Calm Before the Storm, 109 cf. RS 19.186 (Ugaritica IV, 124, fig. 101).
[55] See Yon, M. (1991). Arts et industries de la pierre (RSO VI), 286—288, 328 fig. 8a.
[56] Singer, Calm Before the Storm, 109, cf. Lackenbacher, “Une Correspondence,”83.
[57] For a recent summary of evidence and major debates, see Killebrew, A. E. (2020). Early Israel’s Origins, Settlement, and Ethnogenesis. In B. E. Kelle & B. A. Strawn (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of the Historical Books of the Hebrew Bible (pp. 79–93) Academia.edu; Dever, W. G. (2017). Beyond the texts: An archaeological portrait of ancient Israel and Judah, 119—248.
[58] Hasel, Domination & Resistance, 194—216;KRI IV, 19:3; Servajean, Merneptah, 33 fig. 4; Lesko, Late Egyptian Dictionary, I, 349.
[59] KRI IV, 19:7; Servajean, Merneptah, 33 fig. 4
[60] Lesko, Late Egyptian Dictionary, I, 4 and 196, respectively.
[61] Stager, L. E. (1985). Merenptah, Israel and Sea Peoples New Light on an Old Relief. Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies, 56*-64*. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23621193
[62] Hasel, Domination & Resistance, 203—204.
[63] Rainey, A. F. (2008). Shasu or Habiru: Who Were the Early Israelites? Biblical Archaeology Review, 34(6), 51—55 online.
[64] Dever, Beyond the Texts, 218—222; Stager, L. E. (1985). Merenptah, Israel and Sea Peoples New Light on an Old Relief. Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies, 56*-64*. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23621193
[65] Kahn, D. (2025). The Order of Merenptah’s Reliefs at the Cour de la Cachette, Karnak and its Implications. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities, 51, 15—44 online.
[66] Dever, Beyond the Texts, 194—233; Finkelstein, I., & Silberman, N. A. (2002). The Bible Unearthed: Archaeology’s New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of Sacred Texts, 97—122.
[67] Killebrew, “Early Israel’s Origins, Settlement, and Ethnogenesis,” 79—93.
[68], K. (2004). The Victories of Merenptah, and the Nature of their Record. Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, 28(3), 259–272. https://doi.org/10.1177/030908920402800301; Nestor, D. (2015). Merneptah’s Israel and the Absence of Origins in Biblical Scholarship. Currents in Biblical Research, 13, 293—329 (online); Agranat-Tamir, L. et al. (2020). The Genomic History of the Bronze Age Southern Levant. Cell, 181(5), 1146-1157.e11. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2020.04.024
[69] Dever, Beyond the Texts, 184—191.
[70] Heinz, S. C. (2001). Die Feldzugsdarstellungen des Neuen Reiches, plates 294—297; Yurco, F. J. (1990). 3,200-year-old picture of Israelites found in Egypt. Biblical Archaeology Review, 16(5), 20–38 online.
[71] A proposal by Veen et al. (2010) has not made much headway in the scholarship. Veen, P. van der, Theis, C., & Görg, M. (2010). Israel in Canaan (long) before Pharaoh Merenptah? A fresh look at Berlin statue pedestal relief 21687. Journal of Ancient Egyptian Interconnections, 2(4), 15—25.
[72] Dodson, Poisoned Legacy, 18; Redford, D. B. (1992). Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in Ancient Times, 266.
[73] Cline, 1177 B.C. (Revised edn), 184—185.
Bibliography
19TH DYNASTY
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RITA: Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated and Annotated: Translations (Vols. 1—7).
RITANC: Ramesside Inscriptions: Translated and Annotated: Notes & Comments (Vols. 1—7).
PM: Porter & Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings (Vols. 1—7) (available online).
LD: Lepsius, Denkmäler aus Aegypten und Aethiopien, 1849—1859 (available online).
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MERNEPTAH
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CANAAN, UGARIT, PROTO-ISRAELITES
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