Ramesses and Hattusili (Part 2). After the marriage to a Hittite princess in Year 34, Ramesses II had much to offer his northern family. A visit from the King of Hatti’s son, seeking food supplies, may relate to repeated hunger crises in Syria and Hatti. Pharaoh’s support brought the two kingdoms closer together, although we must wonder if the Bronze Age Collapse has now begun… Finally a text known as the Bentresh Stela offers a fairytale memory of Ramesses’ relations with Hatti.
Music: Keith Zizza.
Music: Luke Chaos.
Transcript
In 1253 BCE, regnal year 40, the King of Egypt Ramesses II had reached his early sixties. He was still healthy, still vigorous, still an active ruler. The King could look back now on four decades of rule, with many landmarks to celebrate. Most recently, the King had welcomed a new Queen. In Year 34, Ramesses had achieved (what he considered to be) a great diplomatic victory. The King & Queen of Hatti had sent their daughter to marry Ramesses. She arrived in Egypt and took on the name Ma’at-Hor-Neferu-Ra; and a year or two after the marriage, she and Ramesses produced their first child. A daughter, descendant of two royal houses.
Hittite Aid (Grain Shipments & Ship Building)
Ramesses had his prize from Hatti, a young woman to be his queen. But soon enough, it was time to reciprocate. And around 1253 BCE (regnal year 40), pharaoh received a most important guest. The prince of Hatti, son of the Great King, came to the Nile Valley with an urgent request.[1]
For some time now, the Hittite heartland had been experiencing food shortages.[2] For some reason – perhaps climate change or political instability – the Great King was unable to fill his granaries sufficiently. We’ve heard about this issue previously, when Ramesses was negotiating for his Hittite wife (episode 231). Back then, Queen Puduhepa of Hatti had mentioned a food shortage, that “I have no grain in my lands…”[3] Now, about seven years later, the problem continued (or had repeated). It was serious enough that Hattusili asked for help.
One of Ramesses’ letters, excavated at Hattusa, reports the situation.[4] He tells us that the Prince, Hishmi-Sharrumma, arrived in Egypt during “the months of cold,” maybe December or January. He then spent several weeks in Egypt, until the northern Spring. Presumably, Ramesses laid on the full tourist experience, his agents showing prince Hishmi around their great city, Pi-Ramesses, with its great temples and towering obelisks. Maybe the Hittites visited the fortresses, to see the mighty walls and strong battalions (including the Sherden warriors, whom Ramesses kept as bodyguards). Surely, they must have showed him the Nile Delta, with its incredible fertility, winding waterways and canals; not to mention the stockpiles of their granaries and warehouses. Hopefully it achieved the desired effect, demonstrating to this prince (perhaps a future King of Hatti?) that Egypt was a land of great riches and immense resources.
Finally, the business of the day. Hishmi-Sharrumma and his advisors would negotiate with the Egyptian high officials. They probably spoke with Khay, formerly the King’s Herald, but now the Tjaty (or Vizier);[5] or perhaps the Overseer of the Granaries, a man named Siese (an odd coincidence in 2026).[6] Finally, the Hittites would plead their case before pharaoh himself, seeking the god’s approval for their “humble” request.
Fortunately, agreement was reached, and Ramesses duly sent the prince back to his father. The Hittite mission had been a success, and in his letter, Ramesses promises aid. First, a fleet of transport ships would carry grain to the Hatti lands. What’s more, this wasn’t a one-off; Ramesses promised ongoing aid: “They (the ships) shall be send back from the land of Hatti to… the land of Egypt every month, year after year… Let the prince of … Hatti, Hishmi-Sharruma, go to receive all the ships… which have been supplied with barley and wheat! And he shall send the ships back… to Egypt… to carry out (more) work…”[7]
Henceforth, Egypt’s royal granaries would fund Hattusili’s household. I think we can view this as the “other side” of the marriage deal. Ramesses had received a beautiful bride, and her great dowry. Now, it was his obligation to sustain his distant family in their time of need.
Of course, as the old saying goes, give a Hittite grain and you feed them for a month. Teach them to grow grain and you feed them forever. Or something like that. On that note, Ramesses didn’t merely send transport ships. He also also despatched advisors: “Behold, when Hishmi-Sharruma came, he arrived in the months of cold; and when the year brought its spring, he lingered awhile… Now, I send Aia of the Royal House; and Naxxa, of the water-drawing commission; and Leja, also of the water-drawing commission; a total of three distinguished men; and I sent them to you as messengers, with the great gift…”[8] These men came from Ramesses’ great memorial temple, the Ramesseum in Luxor. But they weren’t priests, they were engineers. The two men (Naxxa and Leja) held the title “Great One (Supervisor) of Water/Irrigation” (aA ni mw).[9] Presumably, they had worked on irrigation and canals in Egypt’s southern floodplains. Now, they were going to a radically different environment; the mountain valleys of central Anatolia.
Why did Ramesses despatch them? Well, it may relate to a Hittite policy that turns up just a few years later. Hattusili’s successor, named Tudhaliya IV, began building dams and reservoirs at different towns.[10] It seems that, faced with food shortages (and perhaps droughts), the Hittite rulers looked for ways to collect and transport water more effectively. Perhaps the Egyptian engineers, with their experience in canals and managing rivers, could contribute to those efforts.
The LBA Collapse Begins?
So, a fleet was on its way, with the promise of regular deliveries for the foreseeable future. Ramesses was now directly funding Hattusili’s household, sustaining it in a time of crisis. The two kingdoms, Egypt & Hatti, were growing ever closer. Economically, people in Hatti now depended on Egyptian grain to see them through hardship.
The letter doesn’t say how many ships were travelling, or their capacity, or the raw quantity of grain. So, we don’t know how much aid Ramesses was providing. In the circumstances – a diplomatic mission, and a promise of ongoing support – we can guess the deliveries were large. But how large? Fortunately, archaeological work at Hittite sites does give some clues.
On the western coast of Syria, for example, the city of UGARIT was one of Hatti’s most important vassals.[11] Ugarit was a significant port city, and a central hub in the trade networks that crossed the region. For the Hittites (generally active on land more than sea), the Ugarite rulers, and their ships, were a vital part of the economic system. We see this in letters, excavated at Ugarit, that record communication between the city, its neighbours, and Hatti.
In one message, the Lord of Ugarit wrote to an Egyptian governor in Canaan.[12] He asked the Egyptian governor (named Haya) to send him 15 tons of grain. He paid for this with a large quantity of wool and silver; though the Lord of Ugarit did say that part of the payment had been stolen “by my enemies.” Apparently, there were difficulties in Syria, and the local princes were willing to pay handsomely for food security. The fact they went to Egypt (rather than their overlord in Hatti) might give another hint of the problems.
In another message, the King of Hatti himself wrote to Ugarit, requesting their help with a food delivery.[13] This one sounded urgent:
“According to what the King your master says, act in every way!… Currently: the (city of Ura) lacks everything, and they have asked the [King] for supplies. (I) have assigned them 2,000 measures of grain from Mukish. You, for your part, provide them with a … large ship and crewmen, and let them take this grain to their land! … do not deprive them of a ship… There is a matter of life or death!”[14]
Those 2,000 “measures” of grain were approximately 500 metric tons.[15] Which, in theory, could feed as many as 45,000 people for a month.[16] Clearly, cities in the Hittite kingdom were in dire need of supply. And this is just one letter; archaeologists have found dozens of a similar nature from different sites.[17]
Naturally, we start to wonder… Has the Bronze Age Collapse begun, at least in Hatti? Ramesses’ grain shipments, the letters from Ugarit, and others across Syria, explicitly point to shortages in Hattusa.[18] Meanwhile, archaeological sites across the Eastern Mediterranean, Canaan, and Anatolia, point to slow but significant declines in agricultural activity.[19] Drought, perhaps, was afflicting the region (that would explain why Ramesses despatched water experts, and why the Hittites started building reservoirs). Put those two factors together, and we can see the beginnings of an unfolding calamity.
To be clear, the Hittites were not done yet. Food shortages had happened before, and the King of Hatti clearly had mechanisms for bringing in supplies. In 1253, Hattusili might reasonably think “this is a difficult period, but we’ll get through it.” For Hittitologists, the “years of hunger” are a significant chapter, but their nature and impact remain slightly murky.[20] That’s a bigger story for a forthcoming chapter. But for now, it’s reasonable to say that, in hindsight, the first hints of the Collapse are visible.
Ship Building Instructions
Finally, Ramesses also assisted his distant brother with transportation. A small fleet of Egyptian ships would now bring food regularly. But if the hunger continued, the Hittites would need more aid; and they would need to build their own ships for transport.
So, Ramesses sent them a template. In another letter, pharaoh reported that he had despatched two more ships to Hatti.[28] And he instructed Hattusili “Your (carpenters) should draw a copy, corresponding to the two ships that I have sent you, and they should make a drawing, and build new (models) of these ships. My brother should have the frames made with skill; pitch the ships with earthen pitch, on the inside and outside, so that no water penetrates, so that they do not sink in the middle of the sea!”
That’s cool. I love that Ramesses includes instructions on water-sealing. Apparently, he didn’t think much of Hittite seafaring, or they didn’t have a great reputation for building ships. Fair enough, historically the Hittites were landlubbers, restricting their endeavours to Anatolia, Syria, and Mesopotamia. But times change, and folks must adapt. It was time to learn to sail.
That would come back to bite the Egyptians, before too long.[29]
In the big picture, we can see Egyptian-Hittite relations reaching a turning point. Not from any one decision, or the policies of individual rulers. But the references to food shortages and the need for international aid hint at troubles in the Hittite royal economy. Similarly, Ramesses enthusiastic support hints at a new direction in pharaonic policy. Their former rivals were now valuable allies, and they were willing to spend resources supporting that distant kingdom. We may never know the extent of the food shipments, or how much they actually helped. But as Hattusili and his government dealt with a serious economic issue, Ramesses’ friendship must have been a genuine boon.
Henceforth, grain shipments would depart Egypt regularly, even after Ramesses’ death. His successor continued the policy, despatching food supplies to the northern kingdom; and gods willing, those irrigation experts helped turn the tide of the Hittite economic troubles…
Second Hittite Marriage
By 1251 BCE (regnal year 42), Ramesses had more than proved his commitment to the Egyptian-Hittite peace. Great transport ships now sailed regularly from the Nile Delta, heading for Canaan, Syria, and ultimately to the southern coast of Anatolia. Deliveries of barley and wheat would help sustain communities in the Hittite Kingdom. On the personal front, Ramesses continued to send medicines for his brother’s eyes; and when asked (though he thought it futile), pharaoh had sent physicians and priests to aid Hattusili’s sister.
If a long-term commitment to food supply sounds like a high price for a bride, perhaps Ramesses felt the same way. For about ten years after the first Hittite princess came to Egypt, Ramesses wanted a second.[30]
We have a record of this on two stone stelae, erected at different temples in Egypt.[31]
“His Person commanded that one should cause… a [record/stela] of the great marvels that were given by:
Ptah-Tatenen, Father of the Gods
Ptah-South-of-His-Wall, Lord of Ankh-Tawy.
Atum, Lord of the Two Lands.
Ra-Horakhty, Amun-Ra, Lord of the Thrones of Both Lands.
Anhur-Shu, Son of Ra.
Geb, Father of the Gods.
Horus, Son of Iset.
(given) to (Ramesses II), like Ra, their fine son…
The Great Ruler of Hatti sent the rich and massive spoils of Hatti, the rich and massive spoils of Gasga… of Arzawa… of Qode… which could not (even) be reckoned in writing… Likewise, many droves of horses, many heards of cattle, many flocks of goats, droves of game, in front of his other daughter, whom he sent to (Ramesses II)… on what was the second occasion.
It was not the troops that brought them, it was not the charioteers… (it was) the might of the Gods of the land of Egypt, and the gods of every foreign land; they caused the great rulers of every foreign land to carry tribute on their own shoulders… to carry their gold… their silver… their vessels of green stone… to (Ramesses II).
It was the children of the great chiefs of the Hatti-Land, who presented their tribute… as far as the frontiers of the lands of the KULE (Ramesses II).
They came of their own accord, there was no chief who went to fetch them; there were no troops who went to fetch them… it was Ptah-Tatenen, Father of the Gods, who places all lands and all foreign countries under the feet of this good god, forever and ever.
Death of Hattusili
Finally, the inevitable happened. Hattusili III died sometime around 1247 BCE Year 46 of Ramesses II (estimate only).[35] Following his death, the King’s second son named Tudhaliya came to power. His reign was beset by difficulties. In southern Anatolia, a rebellion broke out. Then, some of his brothers joined in conspiracy to murder him. Apparently, one of the conspirators was named Heshni (which might be the same chap as Hishmi-Sharruma, from Ramesses’ letter?). Tudhaliya survived the attempts on his life and put his brothers on trial.[36] Sometime after though, another conspiracy arose. Tudhaliya’s cousin, named Kurunta, formed a small “breakaway” kingdom in southern Anatolia (Tarhuntassa).[37] Finally, there were invaders. Specifically, the Assyrians, who pushed into northern Mesopotamia and the heartlands of Syria. Tudhaliya faced the Assyrians directly in battle, and he lost badly.[38] Basically, things went from bad to worse, in the decades that Tudhaliya ruled.
But those are stories for the future. For now, Hattusili is gone. Ramesses has lost a brother.
The Bentresh Stela
Across three decades, we can see the evolution of Ramesses’ brotherhood with Hattusili. Diplomacy had started it. The Treaty made it official. Marriage (and a daughter) unified the two families. And regular food deliveries proved the sincerity of Ramesses’ support.
The diplomatic bond brought peace between two former rivals; and the value of that peace lingered in cultural memory. In fact, nearly a thousand years after Ramesses, storytellers still remembered the brotherhood of the Great Kings.
Like his fourth son, Khaemwaset, Ramesses II was remembered in tales. One of these, known as the Bentresh Stela, preserves a distant memory of Egyptian-Hittite friendship.
The Bentresh Stela was discovered at Karnak in the early 1800s,[42] and it’s now in the Louvre in Paris.[43] The date of the text is a little bit uncertain; scholarly studies have ranged from the early Late Period (c.700 BCE) all the way up to the Ptolemaic era (around 300 BCE).[44] Beyond that, we can’t be certain. But the story it tells gives a fun glimpse at how Ramesses (and his foreign diplomacy) had become the stuff of legend.
Let’s explore.
Story
The story begins with Ramesses travelling to northern Syria (the land of Naharina).[45] There, he receives tribute from foreign rulers, including the monarch of a land called Bakhtan. Bakhtan is a strange word, that only shows up in this tale.[46] It might be a reference to Bactria in central Asia (and recorded when Egypt was part of the Persian Empire).[47] Alternatively, Bakhtan might be a corrupted reading of the hieroglyphs for Hatti, the land of the Hittites. I’ll come back to that at the end, for those who are interested.
Anyway…
The ruler of “Bakhtan” comes to see Ramesses, and he brings great tribute, including fabulous treasure. More importantly, the Ruler brings his daughter, who will marry Ramesses. Pharaoh receives her, and she becomes the King’s Great Wife, given the name Neferu-Ra. Here, we seem to have a memory of the Hittite Queen, Ma’at-Hor-Neferu-Ra. The couple travel back to Egypt and settle into their new lives. Soon, though, another message arrives from the distant kingdom. The princess of Bakhtan, named Bentresh, is sick. Her father requests aid, in the form of physicians and a god.
Naturally, Ramesses assists his brother-in-law. He sends forth a scribe and the statue of the great deity Khonsu. The pair travel all the way to Bakhtan in order to help the princess. Will they make it in time to save her? Will they make it back? Let’s find out.
Our story begins:[48]
“Now, His Person (Ramesses) was in Naharina, as was his custom every year. The rulers of every foreign land came, bowing down in submission, because of the might of His Person, as far as the northern limits; their tribute – gold, silver, lapis lazuli, turquoise, and all plants of the God’s Land – being upon their backs, each one urging on his fellow.
“Then, the Ruler of Bakhtan sent his tribute, and he had placed his eldest daughter at the head of it… She was extraordinarily beautiful in the opinion of (Ramesses), more than anything. Her name was established as The King’s Great Wife, Neferu-Ra.
His Person arrived in Egypt, and she carried out all the duties of a GRW.
One day… His Person was in (the city of) Waset, the Victorious, the Mistress of Cities, doing the pleasure of his father Amun-Ra… in his beautiful festival of Southern Ipet/Opet, his favourite place from the earliest time. Then, someone came to inform His Person that ‘An envoy of the Ruler of Bakhtan has come, bearing many presents for the GRW!’ (The messenger) was ushered in before (pharaoh), with his gifts… kissing the ground before His Person, (the messenger) said… ‘I have come to you, O Sovereign my lord, concerning Bentresh, the younger sister of Queen Neferura. An illness has penetrated her body. May Your Person dispatch a knowledgeable one (rxt) to see her.
Then, (the King) summoned the personnel of the House of Life (the temple archives and school)… and the Royal Scribe Djehuty-em-heb (Thoth-in-Festival) came before His Person. (Pharaoh) commanded that he go to Bakhtan with this envoy.
So, the knowledgeable one reached Batkhan and found Bentresh in the state of one possessed by spirits.[49] He diagnosed that, indeed, it was an enemy with whom he would contend.[50]
Then the Ruler of Bakhtan again sent word to (pharaoh) saying ‘O Sovereign, my lord, let His Person send a god!’
This message reached His Person … when (he) was in Waset. (The King) reported this before (the god) Khonsu-in-Waset, saying…[51] ‘My good Lord, will you… go to Bakhtan?’ It was agreed, emphatically.
His Person commanded to embark Khonsu… upon the great sacred barge, with five transport-ships, and abundant chariots and horses. This god reached Bakhtan in the span of 1 year and 5 months.
Then the Ruler of Bakhtan came out with his army and his chiefs before Khonsu … He prostrated himself, saying ‘You have come to us, to have mercy upon us, by command of the KULE (Ramesses)!’
So, this god went to where Bentresh was… he bestowed magical protection upon the daughter of the Ruler of Bakhtan and she was well straight away. The spirit which had been with her said to Khonsu-the-Counsellor-in-Waset, ‘Welcome in peace, O Great God who banishes the demons-of-disease! Bakhtan shall be your city, and its people your servants! I am your servant. I shall go back… whenceI came, to give satisfaction to your mind concerning that which you came for. Thus, let Your (divine) Majesty command that a festival be celebrated, with me and the Ruler of Bakhtan!’
(The festivities take place; the Ruler of Bakhtan makes offerings; and everyone celebrates the princess’ recovery).
However, (the Ruler of Bakhtan) considered in his mind, saying ‘I will cause this god to remain here, in Bakhtan, I will not allow him to return to Egypt!’ Then this god stayed for 3 years and 9 months in Bakhtan.
(But) then the Ruler of Bakhtan slept on his bed, and he saw (in a dream) this god had come out of his shrine, being now a golden falcon;[52] and he flew up and away to Egypt (kmt).[53] Thereupon, (the Ruler) awoke in panic, and he said to the priest of Khonsu, Counsellor-in-Waset, ‘This god, he is still here with us! May he now go back to Egypt, and let his chariot go back to Egypt!’
Thus the Ruler of Bakhtan allowed this god to proceed back to Egypt. He gave (to the god) presents in abundance, all good things, and troops and horses in great number as an escort.
They arrived peacefully in Waset… Khonsu … reached his temple peacefully in Year 33, II Peret 19, of the KULE User-ma’at-Ra Setep-en-Ra (Ramesses II), may there be made for him (the status of) ‘given life’ forever.”
Conclusion
Ramesses II (Usir-Ma’at-Ra) made friends with Hatti. His brotherhood with the Great King led to peace, trade, and a family unification. Thanks to the efforts of Ma’at-Hor-Neferura, the Hittite Queen of Egypt, the two households now shared a granddaughter. Subsequently, later generations remembered them as allies (or at least, Hattusili as a supplicant), and the aid that Ramesses provided in life became immortalised in a fairytale, long after his death.
Epilogue: The Meaning of Bakhtan
The Bentresh Stela is a curious one. When was it written? The language gives a few clues. Firstly, the spelling of Ramesses’ name is slightly odd, calling him Setep-NW-Ra instead of Setep-en-Ra. That’s a quirk that shows up starting in the Late Period (c.730 BCE).[54] So, the story is at least five hundred years younger than Ramesses.
Can we go further? In the late 1800s, Adolf Erman suggested it was a product of the Ptolemaic Era (after Alexander’s conquest).[55]
Although the story is at least five hundred years younger than Ramesses (possibly a thousand years), it does build on references from Ramesses’ own reign and the New Kingdom generally.
First and foremost: where is Bakhtan? This word is strange. It only appears in the Bentresh Stela, but the hieroglyphs clearly define it as a land (it has the right determinatives and everything). In the 1800s and early 20th Century, scholars thought Bakhtan might be a reference to Bactria, in Central Asia.[56] That was based on Persian texts (when they ruled Egypt) that referenced Bactria as Bxtr.[57] By re-interpreting the n as an r, scholars like Adolf Erman thought Bakhtan might be a version of that. Okay, that’s a start. However, it had problems. The word Bactria was spelled differently, and the hieroglyphs for r and n are quite different, hard to mix up. So, what was going on there?
In 1977, an Egyptologist named Anthony Spalinger gave a compelling interpretation. Going back to the hieroglyphs, Spalinger argued that Bakhtan was actually a corrupted version of Hatti.[58] Basically, the hieroglyphs for Hatti (or xtA in Egyptian) are remarkably similar in shape to those used for Bakhtan. Specifically, a glyph for xtA (which is a kind of jug) looks a lot like the leg-and-foot for b; and the determinative tA (“land”) is easy to mistake for the water hieroglyph n. As Spalinger argued, some ancient scribe had studied Ramesses’ references to Hatti (xtA) and misread two of the glyphs, with the result that his version came out bxtn. As a result, the distant land which Khonsu and a Scribe visited was none other than the Hittite Kingdom.
Spalinger’s interpretation seems stronger than “Bactria” for two reasons. Firstly, the rest of the story already has a focus on Syria (Naharina), and it includes a reference to the Hittite Queen Neferura. So, there’s clearly some Anatolian influence in the tale. Secondly, the hieroglyphs for Hatti are closer to those of Bakhtan than the hieroglyphs for Bactria.
A counterargument is the time that the story reports, for Khonsu’s journey to Bakhtan. Apparently, the god travelled for one year and five months,
Bentresh: Possibly based on bnt-rS(wt) “Daughter of Joy.”[59]
[1] Bryce, T. (2005). The Kingdom of the Hittites (2nd ed.), 322.
[2] Klengel, H. (1974). “Hungerjahre” in Hatti. Altorientalische Forschungen, 1, 165—174; Singer, I. (2011). The Calm Before the Storm: Selected Writings of Itamar Singer on the late Bronze Age in Anatolia and the Levant, 113—116.
[3] Edel, E. (1994). Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz aus Boghazköi in babylonischer und hethitischer Sprache I: Umschriften und Übersetzungen, 216—223; Beckman, G. (1999). Hittite Diplomatic Texts (2nd ed.), 125—129; Hoffner Jr., H. A. (2009). Letters from the Hittite Kingdom, 281—290.
[4] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 185.
[5] Attested on various monuments: KRITA III, 26—28; Davies, RITANC III, 27—28.
[6] For Siese (“The Younger”) see KRITA III, 102—104; Davies, RITANC III, 136—138.
[7] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 183, 185.
[8] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 185.
[9] Divon, “Textual Evidence for “Food Shortage” from the Late Hittite Empire,” 102 nn. 7, 8.
[10] Kuslu, Y., & Sahin, U. (2009). Water Structures in Anatolia from Past to Present. Journal of Applied Sciences Research, 5, 2109—2116. At least one has been discovered: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G%C3%B6lp%C4%B1nar_Dam
[11] Summary in Singer, The Calm Before the Storm, 43—47, 55—59.
[12] Owen, D. I. (1981). An Akkadian Letter from Ugarit at Tel Aphek. Tel Aviv, 8, 1—17. https://www.academia.edu/328449/An_Akkadian_Letter_from_Ugarit_at_Tel_Aphek; Singer, The Calm Before the Storm, 113—114.
[13] Divon, S. A. (2008). A Survey of the Textual Evidence for “Food Shortage” from the Late Hittite Empire. In The City of Emar Among the Late Bronze Age Empires (pp. 101–109).
[14] Rs 20.212, Ugaritica V, 105—107 (33).
[15] Singer, The Calm Before the Storm, 150.
[16] Reliable information here was quite difficult to find online: https://fixthenews.com/p/grain-of-hope
[17] Divon, “A Survey of the Textual Evidence for “Food Shortage” from the Late Hittite Empire,” 101—109.
[18] See Singer, I. (1999). A Political History of Ugarit. In W. Watson & N. Wyatt (Eds.), Handbook of Ugaritic Studies (pp. 603–733). https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004294103_016; later republished as Singer, I. (2011). The Calm Before the Storm: Selected Writings of Itamar Singer on the late Bronze Age in Anatolia and the Levant, 19—147.
[19] Kaniewski, D., Marriner, N., Bretschneider, J., Jans, G., Morhange, C., Cheddadi, R., Otto, T., Luce, F., & Van Campo, E. (2019). 300-year drought frames Late Bronze Age to Early Iron Age transition in the Near East: New palaeoecological data from Cyprus and Syria. Regional Environmental Change, 19, 2287–2297. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10113-018-01460-w
[20] Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites (2nd edn), 322; Singer, Calm Before the Storm, 113—116; Drews, R. (1993). The End of the Bronze Age, 77—84; Divon, “A Survey of the Textual Evidence for “Food Shortage” from the Late Hittite Empire,” 109.
[21] Bryce, T. (2003). Letters of the Great Kings of the Ancient Near East: The Royal Correspondence of the Late Bronze Age, 113—116.
[22] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 178—180.
[23] Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 115.
[24] Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 116—118.
[25] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 116—123.
[26] Scholl, R., Schneider, U. J., & Popko, L. (2021). Papyrus Ebers: Die größte Schriftrolle zur altägyptischen Heilkunst; Ghalioungui, P. (1987). The Ebers papyrus: A new English translation, commentaries and glossaries.
[27] Schiødt, S. (Ed.). (2024). The Carlsberg Papyri 18: Two medical manuscripts. The hieratic P. Carlsberg 8 and the Coptic codex P. Carlsberg 500. https://doi.org/10.55069/vse26900; Strouhal, E., Vachala, B., & Vymazalová, H. (2014). The Medicine of the Ancient Egyptians 1: Surgery, Gynecology, Obstetrics, and Pediatrics, 16.
[28] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 187.
[29] Under Tudhaliya IV, the Hittites would send a fleet to Cyprus and occupy it. Güterbock, H. G. (1967). The Hittite Conquest of Cyprus Reconsidered. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 26, 73–81. https://www.jstor.org/stable/543703
[30] Kitchen, K. A. (1993). Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Translations, Vol. II, 110—112 (hereafter KRITA II); Kitchen, K. A. (1993). Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments, Vol. II, 163—165 (hereafter KRITANC II); Brand, P. J. (2023). Ramesses II: Egypt’s Ultimate Pharaoh, 424—427; Edel, E. (1994). Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz aus Boghazköi, 174—175.
[31] KRITA II, 110—112; KRITANC II, 163—165; Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 424—427.
[32] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz,168—177.
[33] KRITANC II, 164.
[34] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 227.
[35] Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant, chart 2.
[36] See CTH 192 and 297.8; Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites (2nd edn), 299—300.
[37] Singer, “Great Kings of Tarhuntassa,” in The Calm Before the Storm, 647—654.
[38] Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites (2nd edn), 313—319.
[39] Bryce, “The ‘Eternal Treaty’ from the Hittite Perspective,” 9.
[40] See Hatip rock relief, near Konya.
[41] See Hawkins, J. D. (1995). The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SÜDBURG).
[42] Champollion, J. F. (1889). Monuments de l’Egypte et de la Nubie: Notices descriptives conformes aux manuscrits autographes redigés sur les lieux (Band 2), 280—290 https://doi.org/10.11588/DIGLIT.12870.
[43] Louvre C284 https://collections.louvre.fr/ark:/53355/cl010029573.
[44] Kitchen, K. A. (1993). Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments, II, 165—168. Hereafter KRITANC II.
[45] My analysis is based on KRITANC II, 165—168 and Spalinger, A. (1977). On the Bentresh stela and related problems. Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities, 8, 11—18, available from the author.
[46] Spalinger, “On the Bentresh stela and related problems,” 12.
[47] Posener, “À propos de la stèle de Bentresh,” 77 n.6.
[48] Kitchen, K. A. (1993). Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Translations, II, 113—116.
[49] Mental illness?
[50] Similar to the diagnosis/treatment formulae in medical papyri.
[51] Note: Ramesses speaks to Khonsu-in-Waset, who then speaks to his subordinate form/aspect, “Khonsu the Counsellor.” I’ve simplified it to Khonsu for ease of understanding.
[52] Perhaps a manifestation of the “Golden Falcon” aspect of kingship (1r-nbw).
[53] KRI II, 286:13.
[54] KRITANC II, 166.
[55] Edel, E. (1994). Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz aus Boghazköi in babylonischer und hethitischer Sprache I: Umschriften und Übersetzungen.
[56] See the summary in KRITANC II, 165—168 and Posener, G. (1934). À propos de la stèle de Bentresh. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 34, 75—81. https://www.ifao.egnet.net/bifao/34/
[57] Spalinger, “On the Bentresh stela and related problems,” 11; Gauthier, H. (1925). Dictionnaire des noms géographiques contenus dans les textes hiéroglyphiques, II,
[58] Spalinger, “On the Bentresh stela and related problems,” 12—14. Argument followed by Kitchen in KRITANC II, 166—167.
[59] Posener, “À propos de la stèle de Bentresh,” 76.
