Loss and rejuvenation. Ramesses II’s third decade in power was a time of death. The King’s Great Wife Nefertari passed around year 25. Almost simultaneously, his mother Tuya, his second wife Iset-Nofret, and his eldest son Amun-her-khopeshef all passed to the west. We meet these figures, explore their tombs (including the amazing KV5), and trace their surprising legacies. Then, we recount the big event: in Year 30, Ramesses celebrated the first of his jubilees. A magnificent Sed Festival took place in Memphis…
Logo image: gold bead of Iset-Nofret (Metropolitan Museum of Art, public domain).
Music by Keith Zizza https://www.keithzizza.net/, used with permission.
Queen Mother Tuy(a)
Around the same time as Nefertari, perhaps slightly before, the Queen Mother Tuy also passed to the west. She had been a prominent figure in Ramesses’ early reign. As the Mwt-Nswt (Mother of the King) Tuy appears on monuments, together with her son.[1] And in the great memorial temple, which we call the Ramesseum, Tuy (and Nefertari) had their own special chapel.[2]
The Queen Mother may not command the same headlines as Nefertari, but she had her own influence and prestige. In some cases, she may even have outranked her daughter-in-law. One of the best records is a letter, that Tuy sent to the Hittites.[3] In which she spoke directly with Hattusili, and even addressed him as (quote) “Great King… of the Land of Hatti, my brother...”[4] The fact she could do that, and treat Hattusili as an equal, is quite remarkable. Even Nefertari never did that. Without reading too much into it, Tuy may have been the more influential person, at least diplomatically.
Like Nefertari, Tuy went to her rest in the Valley of the Queens (Ta-Set-Neferu, the Place of Beauties). In fact, the two Queens were neighbours. The entrance to the grave of Tuy is just next to Nefertari’s (behind the seating area, if you’re visiting). Architecturally, Tuy’s monument (QV80) is nearly identical to Nefertari’s.[5] Unfortunately, the preservation is muchworse. The grave was flooded in antiquity and later used as a living space by hermits, who dwelled amid the rubble.[6] Most of the plaster and painted decoration are lost; there is little to see except walls of bare rock. However, the tomb does have its secrets. When excavating the space archaeologists found a wine jar. It bore the cartouche of Ramesses II and a date, Year 22, recording the wine harvest.[7] Logically, Tuy must have died and gone to her funeral after that.
How much later? We don’t know. Wine jars could be kept for years, if they were a good vintage.[8] But like Nefertari, the Queen Mother is totally absent from Ramesses’ Sed Festival. The most likely explanation is that she died before Year 30.
Another loss in the royal house.
Iset-Nofret
So, by Year 26 (around 1267 BCE), two of Egypt’s most powerful women had died. Nefertari, the Great Wife, and Tuy the Queen Mother, were gone.
That left one more prominent lady in Ramesses’ household. A woman named Iset-Nofret.
Iset-Nofret (or Isis-the-Beautiful) is the “other” wife of Ramesses II.[9] Sadly, if you thought Nefertari’s tale was kind of shadowy, Iset-Nofret’s is even worse. We know almost nothing about this woman. You won’t find her at Karnak, the Ramesseum, or the Nubian Temples. She’s absent from the diplomatic archive. Compared to Nefertari, Iset-Nofret is all but invisible.
So, why do we care about her?
Part of it has to do with her husband. Part of it has to do with her husband; Ramesses’ status as one of the “greatest pharaohs” brings close scrutiny to every aspect of his life. It may also have something to do with a series of novels, published in the 1990s, by the Egyptologist Christan Jacq. The “Ramses series” is a light-hearted adventure/political drama, based on the propaganda of the old pharaoh. Within that tale, Jacq presents Iset-Nofret (or Isis the Beautiful) as the seductress; a counterpart to the more conservative Nefertari. That’s a matter for imagination; we simply have no evidence on their relationship. However, Jacq’s books are immensely popular (and good fun, if you don’t take them too seriously). I suspect they did a lot to boost Iset-Nofret’s profile.
Finally… Iset-Nofret may not have enjoyed the greatest status or fame in life. But in the coming decades, her legacy proved remarkably enduring. Firstly, after her death, Iset-Nofret’s daughter would ascend to great status in the royal house. Secondly, one of her sons would ultimately survive to inherit the throne. We’ll cover those stories as they develop.
Speaking of Nefertari… Back in the day, scholars like Kenneth Kitchen assumed that the two queens were rivals.[10] There is absolutely no evidence for that.[11] There is no evidence at all concerning their relationships, positive or negative. Granted, the politics of court life, or the drive for status, might have fostered rivalry. But by the same token, the expectations placed on these women, and the shared burden of simultaneous pregnancies, could have fostered friendship. That’s assuming they even spent much time together. The Queens may have resided in different cities and barely interacted. It’s a shame we can’t say more; but at least you can imagine Iset-Nofret’s life however you prefer.
At any rate, after Nefertari died, Iset-Nofret may have gained the rank of Great Royal Wife (Hmt-nswt-wrt).[12] That is uncertain; only a couple monuments survive with that title, and they might have been produced after her death. At least, that’s the argument put forth by Claude Obsomer and Peter Brand.[13] I’m hesitant on it myself, but one thing is clear: if Iset-Nofret did enjoy a time of pre-eminence, it was remarkably short-lived. Once again, this lady is totally absent from records of the Sed Festival. On current evidence, it’s quite likely that she died before Year 30. Thus, if she did achieve supreme Queenly status, her time in the spotlight lasted a few years at best.
Iset-the-Beautiful died sometime before Year 30.[14] Like Nefertari, and Tuya, she is absent from Ramesses’ grand jubilee (the Sed Festival). Presumably, her soul travelled west sometime before that.
Where is she buried?
We don’t know. To date, no tomb for Iset-Nofret has come to light. Unlike Tuy, or Nefertari, or several of Ramesses’ daughters, she does not have a monument in the Valley of the Queens. The most likely location is Saqqara, because one of Iset-Nofret’s sons (the famous Kha-em-Waset) was particularly active there. He built monuments for himself and his family in that region.A Japanese team has been excavating these structures, and they suspect the queen may be nearby.[15] We’ll have to wait and see. But it’s possible that she Iset-Nofret, undiscovered, in some nearby tomb.
Amun-her-khopeshef
By year 30, Ramesses had buried his mother, his great wife, and his second wife. But his losses were not over yet.
Sometime in the third decade, the King’s eldest son also passed to the west. Amunherkhopeshef (or “Amun is Upon His Sword”) was in his late twenties or early thirties, having entered this world in the days of Sety I.[16] For the past few decades, Ramesses had identified the boy as King’s Eldest Son (sA-nsw-smsw), Hereditary Noble (iry-pat), and First King’s Son of His Body (sA-nsw tpy-n-Xt.f).[17] This combination of epithets marked him out, uniquely, as the designated heir; and they would be his, exclusively, in life.
From childhood, Amunherkhopeshef had studied. He gained literacy, and the recognition as a “King’s Scribe” (zHA-nsw). He also participated in military life, accompanying his father on campaigns. On temple walls, we see the prince riding his chariot into battle and presenting captives to pharaoh following the victory.[18] He also shows up with military titles, like Great Overseer of Troops or General (imy-r mSA wr).[19] Now, those are monuments and art, not reality itself. But they probably reflect a genuine education and military career. Amunherkhopeshef was destined to be a King; and the Egyptian monarchs were, first and foremost, warlords. It’s entirely reasonable to assume that Ramesses educated Amunherkhopeshef in the business and art of war.
By Year 20, Amunherkhopeshef was probably 25 years old, give or take. We don’t know if he married, but he seems to have borne a son, whom he named Sety (after his grandfather).[20] That boy lived at least until the sixth decade of Ramesses II’s reign. After that, we know nothing more; this line of the family disappears.
Sadly, that’s all we can say about Amunherkhopeshef. Like Nefertari, Tuy, and Iset-Nofret, he seems to have died before Year 30. The prince is absent from his father’s Sed Festival; and just a few years later, one of Amunherkhopeshef’s brothers shows up with the titles of “Crown Prince.”[21] So, the eldest son must have departed this life, around that time.
Where was he buried?
KV5 Tomb of the Sons of Ramesses II
Amunherkhopeshef went to his rest in the Valley of the Kings. Despite its name, the royal valley does not just host pharaohs, but also royal children and members of the court. Ramesses II apparently planned for his sons’ tomb early on. Just across from the King’s own sepulchre, Amunherkhopeshef went to his grave in a tomb that we know as KV5. It’s a remarkable tomb, only properly discovered in the past few decades.
In 1987, an archaeological team led by Dr. Kent Weeks relocated KV5. They began clearing the chambers, soon uncovering beautiful artistic relief. Images of the prince, Amun-her-khopeshef, adorned the walls. The tomb was in poor condition, filled with mud and rubble that had hardened into a cement-like mixture. The team thought a couple seasons clearance should reveal this unobtrusive tomb, and they would be done.
It turned out more than anyone bargained for.[22]
As the work progressed, the team found more chambers. And more. And more. And more. To date, over 100 passageways, halls, and burial rooms have come to light; and the team still hasn’t reached the end. There could be as many as 150 before all is said and done.[23]
The result is that KV5 is the largest known tomb in the Valley of the Kings. Not the longest (that is Sety I), or the most beautiful (that is subjective). But in sheer size, this one outstrips them all.
It turns out that KV5 is the burial place for multiple sons of Ramesses II. Amid the wreckage, excavators have found shabti figures and canopic jars belonging to Amunherkhopeshef and several younger brothers.[24]
The death of Amunherkhopeshef was yet another blow to the King’s household. In the space of ten years, Ramesses had lost his great wife, his mother, his second wife, and his first-born son. Did the accumulation of loss build into a cloud of grief? Or did the shadow of repeated death lay upon his own fortunes? Perhaps, as he took Amunherkhopeshef into his grave, Ramesses looked over at the doorway of his own tomb, still under construction. Would he soon be joining?
Ramesses need not have worried. By regnal year 30, the King wasn’t even halfway through his reign. In fact, it would soon be time for a major anniversary. In Year 30, pharaoh would mark the first of his grand jubilees. His Sed-Festival was about to begin.
Ramesses II’s First Sed Festival: Preparations
In 1263 BCE, Ramesses II celebrated his first jubilee. The Hb-sd (or Sed Festival) was a grand affair, to rejuvenate the life and power of the divine monarch. The festival is ancient, dating back to the very start of the kingdom.[25] Monarchs would celebrate it, generally, after thirty years in power, repeating it periodically thereafter. Notably, Ramesses was the first King in decades to actually reach that threshold. The last King who reigned more than thirty years was Amunhotep III, about a hundred years earlier. In other words, this would be the first time in living memory that the Sed-Festival had occurred.[26]
The King had looked forward to this for a long time.
As early as Year 2, Ramesses was decorating temples (like Karnak) with references to the Hb-Sed.[27] In the great Hypostyle Hall, gods like Amun-Ra bless the young king and offer him “millions of sed-festivals,” even holding out little symbols of the Hb-sd hieroglyphs.[28] Ramesses was looking ahead.
Later, as the years went on and the King seemed likely to reach his thirtieth year, he started preparing the location of his jubilee.[29] This would be at Men-Nefer (Memphis), in the great temple of Ptah. Here, Ramesses commissioned a magnificent festival hall, which archaeologists uncovered in the early 1900s.[30] It was huge. The structure was its own separate building, with great pylons roughly the same size as Luxor Temple. It had a hall of columns, similar to Karnak; and space for processions and displays of the royal pageantry. The work was organised by Khaemwaset, the king’s son. We know that because foundation deposits, buried near the hall, include the cartouches of Ramesses II, the names of Khaemwaset, and the hieroglyphs for Sed-Festival.[31] Amid his other duties, the prince orchestrated the jubilee hall.
Finally, in Year 30, it was time for celebration. The word went out, delivered by Khaemwaset. An inscription describes the event:
“Year 30, the first occasion of the Heb-Sed (hb-sd) of (Ramesses II)… His Majesty decreed that the Sed-Festival should be proclaimed in the entire land, by the King’s Son and Sem-Priest, Khaemwaset…”[32]
A small inscription, that conceals a whirlwind of preparation. The Heb-Sed was a moment of great pageantry. Beyond the King himself, there would be a huge gathering of witnesses. First, the great and powerful of Egyptian society would gather to pay homage to their monarch. Similarly, embassies might come from distant lands (especially Nubia and Canaan) to give tribute.[33]
These events affected many different parts of society.
A man trying to get sandals back from a soldier, before he “sailed north to the royal Sed Festival.”[34]
An official, accused of embezzlement.[35]
Finally, the sacred statues of gods and goddesses would leave their respective shrines and come visit the king at his jubilee hall.
With so many important guests, you can imagine the Nile River thronged with traffic. Barges laden with supplies; sailing boats of nobles; the unusual craft of foreign ambassadors; and the glittering ships which carried divine statues. Amid these fleets converging on Men-nefer, smaller boats would dart back and forth, delivering messages and instructions. The royal city must have overflowed with preparation and pageantry.
At last, the event itself began. Sed-Festivals occur infrequently through Egyptian history (most rulers never made it to 30 years). But enough records survive that historians can cobble together an outline of the celebration. These may have varied over time, and individual rulers may have put their own spin on things. I described a Sed Festival for Amunhotep III in great detail back in episode 100. But here’s a quick overview of what Ramesses likely did.[36]
Ramesses II’s First Sed Festival: Celebrations
In the temple precinct at Men-nefer (Memphis), Ramesses began his day in a ceremonial palace. He took up his garments, including a heavy white robe that wrapped around the shoulders and hung down to the knees. On his chin, he strapped a long straight beard. Atop his head, the King placed his Double Crown – the Red & the White – which symbolised the unity of Egypt’s Two Lands.
Before leaving his palace, Ramesses made offerings to important gods. Beings like Wadjyt (the cobra goddess) and Nekhbet (the Vulture). These were the Nebty, the Two Ladies who each ruled half of the land. As King of these Two Lands, Ramesses received the blessings of Wadjyt and Nekhbet and promises of long rule to come.
With a good beginning, pharaoh now appeared publicly. Departing his palace, he entered the open-air court in which priests, dignitaries, and foreign embassies had gathered. The king’s son, Khaemwaset, acted as a royal herald. Announcing Ramesses’ appearance, Khaemwaset commanded the court to bow, perhaps even lowering themselves “to the ground.”[37] The dignitaries (Egyptian and foreign) submitted to pharaoh’s splendour, paying homage to the King of the Two Lands.
His earthly power recognised, Ramesses now led his followers in processions. They went to that magnificent Festival Hall, where the King took up his throne. Priests came forward with the standards and symbols of great gods. Beings like Ptah, Atum, Geb, and Iset. The priests and priestesses recited prayers, such as (quote) “Horus (the King) appears upon his southern throne, and the sky is unified with the earth.” Such proclamations were repeated four times, one four each of the cardinal directions. Again, such rites assured the King’s authority over all the world (and the cosmos above).
Ramesses rose from his throne and led the procession out into another courtyard. Around the perimeter, small temporary shrines held the statues of gods and goddesses.[38] This was the conclave (or psDt), which had gathered from all across the land. We may have a record of this from the prince Khaemwaset. He built a shrine for himself in Saqqara, in which he showed a great gathering of gods and goddesses.[39] The scene is damaged, but they seem to gather in groups of nine (that is, the psDt or “Ennead” meaning nine). Khaemwaset welcomes them, in his role of a High Priest. These kinds of gatherings would have happened at the Sed Festival.
Ramesses visited the small shrines, and the clergy gathered around them. At each stop, the King burned incense, offered food, and poured libations for the glittering deities. In turn, he received their blessings, and their wish for his longevity. Blessings like (quote) “I (the god) have nursed (Ramesses) to be the King of the Two Lands; to rule that which the sun encircles. I have given (him) all life.”[40] Ramesses showed scenes like this at Karnak, where the gods promise him “multitudes” or “millions” of Sed Festivals.[41] An ambitious hope, but one that Ramesses would go a surprisingly long way to achieving.
As the afternoon dragged on, the first day came to its end. The King marked this with a series of rituals connected with death.[42] Receiving a purification of water, which was done eight times (literally “Four times, twice,” he then entered a tent which represented a tomb. The King lay down upon a bed, similar to those which turn up in actual tombs like Tutankhamun’s.
It’s unclear from the records, but maybe pharaoh spent the night in this tent. Presumably guarded by soldiers and attendants but perhaps sleeping in the place of (symbolic) death. After all, once the sun set below the horizon, the great god Ra would undergo his own death and rebirth, which we hear about in funerary texts like the BOOK OF GATES.[43] And as the son of Ra, it wouldn’t do for pharaoh to abandon his parent in his time of need. I’m speculating there, but it seems a reasonable guess that Ramesses would spend the night in this kind of ritual.
In the morning, a priest representing Djehuty (or Thoth) appeared at the tent. He came together with the Priest of Ptah (called the Sem-Priest, probably performed by Khaemwaset).[44] The two commanded pharaoh to rise up, literally to “awake” as if from death.[45] The passage of night, and the reappearance of the sun, heralded a new day; and the continuation of the Sed Festival.
Ramesses emerged from his tent, to receive offerings from priests and servants; and he finally got to change his outfit. The king discarded his heavy white robe and took up something more casual: a kilt and bare chest.[46] Probably for the best, because now he had to do some exercise.
At this point, Ramesses would ritually lift a heavy wooden column. It looked like a tree trunk, with flat lines at the top. It was called the Djed-pillar and was a symbol of Usir (Osiris).[47] In raising this Djed-pillar, Ramesses symbolically assisted Usir in his resurrection, and thus assured his own rejuvenation. A version of this was recorded a century earlier, in the days of Amunhotep III. It said:
“Erecting the Djed pillar by the King himself… at the dawn of the jubilee… so that he may achieve (the state of) ‘given life’ like Ra, forever and ever. The protection of all life, all stability and dominion are around him like Ra, forever.”[48]
Subsequently, Ramesses performed a running race. This is one of the more famous features of the Sed Festival. It involved a series of laps around the festival courtyard, while wearing the regalia of the ruler. The idea, presumably, was to demonstrate physical fitness and capacity to rule. After thirties years of rule, Ramesses was already fifty years old, give or take. It was good to check up on his health. Again, images of this event show up in Ramesses’ art. At Karnak, you can find him running before gods, while clutching symbols of rule and authority.[49] In one case, he might even carry a role of papyrus, proclaiming his ownership of all things within Egypt. Apparently, the idea was to “stake a claim” on his ownership of the entire land.[50]
A few more ceremonies, some ritual reenactments, more offerings to gods… and the Sed Festival was done. Again, I covered these celebrations in detail in episode 100, for King Amunhotep III; and in the future, we’ll have more opportunities to explore other versions of it. But this gives you the gist of what Ramesses would have done.
And he would do it again!
Just as the gods promised “millions” of Sed Festivals, Ramesses would indeed celebrate multiple jubilees. After the first one, in Year 30, there would be a second in Year 33, a third in Year 36, a fourth, a fifth… and many more; perhaps as many as fourteen. We’ll mention the Sed Festivals as they arise, because some have fun records associated. But the first celebration in Year 30 was a landmark. In his early fifties, Ramesses rejuvenated his power and authority and prepared for the next phase of his rule.
The Jubilee may have been slightly bittersweet. The past ten years had seen repeated death in the royal house. But after a decade of loss, a new era was beginning. The gods smiled on Ramesses II, Usir-Ma’at-Ra, and on Egypt.
[1] See https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Tuya; KRITA II, 550—552; KRITANC II, 549—557.
[2] Lurson, B. (Ed.). (2017). De la mère du roi à l’épouse du dieu: Première synthèse des résultats des fouilles du temple de Touy et de la tombe de Karomama.
[3] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 37, 39.
[4] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 37, 39.
[5] Elleithy, H., & Leblanc, C. (2016). Nécropoles royales, tome 1: Vallée des Reines (Vol. 1), 245—256.
[6] See Theban Mapping Project: QV80 (Conservation) https://thebanmappingproject.com/tombs/qv-80-queen-tuy.
[7] Based on a jar, placed in her tomb, dated Year 22. See Ramses le Grand [exposition], 1976, 264—265.
[8] See the Amunhotep III wine jars found in the tomb of Tutankhamun.
[9] Leblanc, C. (1994). Isis-Nofret, grande épouse de Ramsès II. La reine, sa famille et Nofretari. Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 93, 313–333. https://www.ifao.egnet.net/bifao/93/
[10] Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant, 98.
[11] Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 223.
[12] Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant, 98.
[13] Obsomer, Ramses II, 247—248; Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 224 n. 127.
[14] Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 224.
[15] Leblanc, Nefertari, l’aimée-de-Mout, 151; Kawai, N. (2011). The Tomb of Isisnofret at Northwest Saqqara. In M. Bárta, F. Coppens, & J. Krejčí (Eds.), Abusir and Saqqara in the year 2010 (Vol. 2, pp. 497–511); Takamiya, I. H., Kashiwagi, H., & Yoshimura, S. (2011). Khaemwaset and his monument at North Saqqara: A record of multiple aspects of “the first Egyptologist”. In L. Bareš, M. Bárta, V. G. Callender, J. Janák, & J. Krejčí (Eds.), Times, Signs and Pyramids: Studies in Honour of Miroslav Verner on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday (pp. 401–421). Charles University.
[16] For the prince’s life & known records, see M. Fisher, The Sons of Ramesses II, I, 43—70; and II (Catalogue), 63—78.
[17] Fisher, The Sons of Ramesses II, I, 62—66.
[18] Kitchen, Ramesside Inscriptions (KRI), II, 171.3—6; KRITA, II, 44; Fisher, The Sons of Ramesses II, I, 55, cf. Kuentz, La Battaile de Qadech, 51, 385—386, pls. VIII, XXV; Darnell, J. C., & Jasnow, R. (1993). On the Moabite Inscriptions of Ramesses II at Luxor Temple. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 52(4), 263–274. https://www.jstor.org/stable/545271; Kitchen, K. A. (1964). Some New Light on the Asiatic Wars of Ramesses II. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 50, 47–70. https://doi.org/10.2307/3855742
[19] Fisher, The Sons of Ramesses II, I, 62—66.
[20] Fisher, The Sons of Ramesses II, I, 67 cf. Spiegelberg 1894, 65, 183; KRI, II, 914:12—915.2).
[21] Fisher, The Sons of Ramesses II, I, 69—70.
[22] Weeks, K. R. (1998). The Lost Tomb: The Greatest Discovery at the Valley of the Kings Since Tutankhamun;
Weeks, K. R. (2006). KV5: A Preliminary Report on the Excavation of the Tomb of the Sons of Rameses II in the Valley of the Kings (Revised).
[23] Weeks, KV5 Preliminary Report, 8.
[24] Weeks, KV5 Preliminary Report, 104—118.
[25] Krol, A. A. (2005). Origins of the sd-festival: On the history of a hypothesis. In A.-A. Maravelia (Ed.), Modern Trends in European Egyptology (pp. 87–90).
[26] Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 351.
[27] Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 349 fig. 12.2.
[28] Nelson, Great Hypostyle Hall, pl. 7.
[29] KRITANC II, 342—348; KRITA II, 307—313.
[30] Petrie, Memphis I (1909), 8—10.
[31] KRITANC II, 347; Petrie, Memphis I, pls. XIX, XXV.
[32] KRITA II, 208.
[33] Based on Akhenaten’s jubilee imagery. Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 351.
[34] Wente, Letters, 154.
[35] KRITA II, 211—212; KRITANC II, 236—238.
[36] Following description based on Uphill, E. (1965). The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites. Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 24, 365–383. https://www.jstor.org/stable/543647
[37] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 370.
[38] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 375—376.
[39] Takamiya, I. H., Kashiwagi, H., & Yoshimura, S. (2011). Khaemwaset and his monument at North Saqqara: A record of multiple aspects of “the first Egyptologist” In L. Bareš, M. Bárta, V. G. Callender, J. Janák, & J. Krejčí (Eds.), Times, Signs and Pyramids: Studies in Honour of Miroslav Verner on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday (pp. 401–421).
[40] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 375.
[41] See Nelson, Hypostyle Hall, I, pl. 7.
[42] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 377—378.
[43] https://youtu.be/6pHWC2fOnRk
[44] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 379.
[45] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 379.
[46] Uphill, “The Egyptian Sed-Festival Rites,” 380.
[47] Shaw, BM Dictionary of Ancient Egypt, 86; Wilkinson, Complete Gods & Goddesses, 121.
[48] Epigraphic Survey. (1980). The Tomb of Kheruef: Theban Tomb 192, 59.
[49] See Nelson, Hypostyle Hall, pl. 35.
[50] Shaikh Al Arab, W. (2022). Mekes: Creating an imagery of kingship and transmission of power in ancient Egypt. Zeitschrift Für Ägyptische Sprache Und Altertumskunde, 149(2), 253–273. https://doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2019-0028; Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 349.
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