Egyptian-Hittite Diplomacy. In the aftermath of the Treaty, Ramesses II and Hattusili III got down to business establishing their brotherhood.
From prospective summits in Canaan, to fabulous gift-exchanges by Nefertari and a prince, the Egyptian and Hittite courts negotiated their new bonds. Alas, things weren’t always rosy, and the issue of Urhi-Teshub caused great friction between the two Kings.
Finally, we meet the man who shuttled back-and-forth between these kingdoms delivering the goods: the Egyptian royal messenger Netjerwymes aka Pirikhnawa gets a look in…
Introduction
In 1272 BCE (regnal year 21), Ramesses II announced a treaty with the Hittites. Simultaneously, the Hittite monarch, Hattusili III, announced his agreement with Ramesses. The two Great Kings promised unity and brotherhood; respect for one another’s territories and vassals; mutual defence; and the extradition of any fugitives. Witnessed by gods and goddesses alike, with curses for those who violated the treaty, the agreement was a landmark in Egyptian-Hittite relations.
What happened next?
Ramesses Offers a Meeting
Having made their peace, Ramesses and Hattusili settled into a new phase of their relationship. For his part, the King of Egypt shows a marked enthusiasm for his new “brother.” A set of letters, written on clay tablets and excavated in the Hittite capital city, reveal the messages that Ramesses despatched to the King of Hatti. Pharaoh was notably accommodating to his former rival. In some cases, Ramesses even offered to meet Hattusili in person. For example, one of Ramesses’ letters says:
“Thus speaks Wasmuriya Satenparia (Ramesses II), the Great King, King of the Land of Egypt … to the Great King, King of the Land of Hatti, Hattusili… may you be well, your troops, horses, and chariots be well… and all your land be well! The Sun God and the Storm God shall cause my brother (Hattusili) to see his brother (Ramesses); may my brother come to me, and carry out that good proposal to meet me; one may look into the other’s face in the place where the King is upon his throne.”[1]
Ramesses invited Hattusili to visit him in Egypt. This wasn’t as generous as it sounds. If the offer were accepted, the King of Hatti would leave his residence (in central Anatolia) and travel all the way across Syria, Canaan, Sinai, before reaching the Egyptian Delta and its royal city Pi-Ramesses. The journey alone would take months; and there’d probably be several weeks in Egypt, for meetings and festivities. That was a long time for Hattusili to leave his court, family, and duties. Given how unstable Hittite politics had been recently; and how vulnerable the borders of their kingdom could be… you can imagine Hattusili wasn’t champing at the bit to make that trip.
For another thing, Ramesses’ proposal was rather unequal. Instead of proposing a meeting somewhere between their kingdoms, Ramesses asked Hattusili to visit him in his palace. That wasn’t the behaviour of an equal, a Great King brother to another.
He was asking the King of Hatti to visit him, in his palace. That was the behaviour of a supplicant or vassal… not a Great King, who was equal and brother to the other. Again, given Hattusili’s political insecurity, and his concerns about legitimacy, a visit to Ramesses’ court might be more costly than helpful.
Understandably, the King of Hatti did not immediately accept this offer. But Ramesses was not dissuaded.The King of Egypt repeated his invitation. This time, though, he did modify the destination for the meeting. The pharaoh said:
“I, the Great King, King of the Land of Egypt, will go to the Land of Kinaxxi to see … my brother, to look into [his] face, to receive him in the midst of my land… I have (now) sent my nobles to receive my brother in the land of Upi…”[2]
Ramesses was now willing to meet Hattusili “half-way.” Sort of. The pharaoh would leave his residence, cross Sinai, and come to Canaan. That was a reasonable undertaking; and it would mean Hattusili didn’t have to go all the way to Egypt. So, that was progress. However, the power differential remained. While Hattusili might enjoy a slightly shorter trip, Ramesses still offered the summit on “my land.” Again, the King of Hatti would need to come before the pharaoh.
The meeting never took place. Although Ramesses despatched envoys (or “nobles”) the land of Upe near Damascus, there is no evidence that Hattusili ever journeyed to meet the pharaoh. It’s unclear why. Texts from Hatti suggest that the Great King often suffered an illness or inflammation, specifically in his feet.[3] It’s possible that such a problem flared up, around this time, making long-distance travel difficult. That’s one explanation.
Another one might be that “prestige” issue; that meeting the King of Egypt on his turf would seem tantamount to submission or vassalage. I suspect that may have been the primary issue. In the letter I just quoted, Ramesses extends his modified invitation to meet. Then, he mentions another ruler; the King of Ashur (or Assyria). Ramesses said: “Concerning what the king of Assur has written (to Hattusili), that ‘You are (only) the substitute for a great king…’ The text is damaged right here, so we only get part of the quote. But it sounds like the Assyrians had insulted Hattusili, declaring him a usurper of a legitimate monarch. That was true, as we’ll see in a moment. But you can imagine that Hattusili was not happy at such words; and if the Assyrian king was willing to say that publicly, then the King of Hatti clearly had an image problem. With that in mind, I’d guess that Hattusili didn’t want to meet Ramesses on his turf. Whether it was pride, or self-preservation, the optics of going before the pharaoh were simply too volatile.
The matter was quietly dropped. We hear no more of these proposals in the diplomatic archive. On current evidence, it seems the Great Kings did not meet in person. That’s a shame. Imagine the spectacle of that summit. All the pageantry, the legions of bodyguards and chariots, the finely dressed courtiers, the musicians and dancers… Had the two Kings actually met, it could have been a party of special magnificence. I would have loved to see it.
Gifts and Well-Wishers
While the summit did not occur, that didn’t mean relations soured. Far from it. In the aftermath of the Treaty, the archives from Hattusa reveal dozens of messages sent from the Egyptian court.[4]
These letters are mostly “good wishes” and gift exchanges, not a lot of historical detail. But they are noteworthy as evidence for the relationship developing between the courts; and they are significant for who sent them. For example, one letter came not from Ramesses, but from his queen, the Great Royal Wife Nefertari.
Nefertari (or Naptera in cuneiform) sent a letter to her Hittite counterpart, the Great Queen Puduhepa. It went as follows:
“Thus speaks Naptera, Great Queen… of the Land of Egypt, to Puduhepa, Great Queen… of the Land of Hatti… For me, your sister, all is well… For you, my sister, may all be well… I have now heard that you… have written to me to ask about my well-being… May the Sun God and the Storm God praise you, and may the Sun God cause peace to flourish, and to give good brotherhood to the Great King [of Hatti and Egypt] forever. I also am at peace, and in a state of sisterhood with you, my sister, likewise. Behold, I have sent you a greeting gift… in the hands of Pirixnawa, the King’s Messenger. (It includes) 12 garments, of colourful fabric, in excellent quality and in royal quality; and 1 necklace, multicoloured, made of fine god, with twelve strands, that weights 88 shekels.”[5]
The message is rather generic; good wishes and sisterhood. But the gift was staggeringly valuable. Nefertari accounts the necklace at 88 shekels (which is about 826 grams). At the time of writing this episode, 826 grams of pure gold would be valued at approx. 113,000 USD.[6] Needless to say, it was good to have a friend like Naptera (Nefertari).
We also have messages from princes. Sons of Ramesses II, who got involved in the diplomatic relationship. In one letter, a prince calling himself Sutech/Seth-her-khopeshef wrote directly to King Hattusili. If you haven’t heard of him before, don’t be alarmed; it’s actually an alias for the King’s eldest son, normally called Amun-her-khopeshef. For some reason, the prince modified his name when corresponding with the Hittites. [7] It may have been an attempt to “build bridges,” because the Hittites would recognise Sutech as their “Storm” or “Weather God.” Amun may have been a bit more abstract. That’s speculative. But the prince Amunherkhopeshef seems to modify his name slightly in different contexts.
In this letter, the prince sent a gift to Hattusili, whom he addressed as “my father.” Writing as Sutech-her-khopesh-ef (or 5wtaxapSap in the cuneiform) he said the following:
“So says 5wtaxapSap, the son of the Great King…of the Land of Egypt, to Hattusili, Great King (of Hatti), my father… Behold, I have sent a gift to my father as a gift of greeting … (it comes) by the hand of Parixnawa, the King’s Messenger, and includes 1 drinking-cup of fine gold… with the face of a bull, whose horns are of white stone, [and whose eyes] are of black stone; [its weight] (is) 93 shekels of fine gold.”
That drinking cup weighed 93 shekels (versus the 88 of Nefertari’s necklace). That’s about 872 grams, valued at 119,000 USD at the time of writing. These royals were laying it on big for their foreign counterparts. Obviously, there was a degree of generosity here and a wish to build strong bonds. But clearly, there’s an element of display. The Egyptians were showing off their proverbial wealth, that they could so casually distribute items of such incredible
The prince also despatched linen items, like new clothing and a bedspread. Apparently, the bed cover was “good, fine thread” with “two decorated/display sides.” I like that, you can imagine a kind of throw or blanket woven with patterns and pictures. I really wish that kind of item had survived, it would be so cool to see.
The family letters tend to follow that pattern of good wishes, gift exchanges, and general pleasantries. There’s not much historical information, but they are a lovely insight into the relationships of distant courts. And it’s fun to see how Egyptian names, converted to cuneiform, reveal aspects of their pronunciation. The wealth on display is quite remarkable. The Egyptians really committed to an show of generosity and the staggering richness of their country.
Alas, the Hittite Archive mostly preserves letters from Egypt; not the ones sent by Hattusili or his family. So, we don’t know much about their gifts in return. There is one reference to a golden cup, that Hattusili had sent, but which somehow got “lost” en route; and Ramesses wrote to his brother saying, “You’ve told me about this cup, but it hasn’t arrived; who did you send it with?” If you’ve ever had a parcel lost or a courier that just won’t deliver your goods properly, imagine how they felt sending these items, of staggering value, on journeys taking months.
Anyway… after the Treaty, the Egyptian and Hittite royal families began communicating more frequently. They established bonds of goodwill and family, calling one another brother, sister, and even father. Things were going well.
At least initially.
Urhi Teshub
Of course, becoming one big family did not mean happiness and harmony forever; and like most brothers, the Great Kings also quarrelled. A particularly grave challenge to their relationship was a fugitive. Someone that had fled from Hatti, and (eventually) gone to Egypt. Hattusili wanted this runaway back. Not just for his own prestige, but because of who the runaway was.
Hattusili had lost track of his nephew. A man named Urhi-Teshub. He was the son of Muwattalli II, and (legally) the rightful King of Hatti. When Muwattalli died, around Year 8 of Ramesses’ reign, the Hittite throne had passed to Urhi-Teshub. He ruled Hatti for approximately seven years;[8] and for a time, things were good. Hattusili served his nephew and governed various territories of the empire. Alas, King Urhi-Teshub did not trust his uncle, and the two had gradually fallen out. Eventually, Urhi-Teshub tried to strip Hattusili of certain powers and privileges. In response, Hattusili rebelled, defeated his nephew in battle, and took him into custody.
This made for a tricky situation. Hattusili could not simply kill his nephew, an anointed king. Nor could he keep him at court, where the deposed ruler might gather friends and strike back. Stuck between two bad options, Hattusili decided to “exile” his nephew, packing him off to a provincial governorship in Syria. This was more like a polite house-arrest. Presumably, the idea was to placate Urhi-Teshub with a position of some authority and prestige; while keeping him under Hattusili’s watch, but away from the royal court.[9] It didn’t work.
Urhi-Teshub did not take to his comfortable exile. First, he seems to have sent messages to the Great Kings of Babylon and Assyria, presumably asking for assistance.[10] When that went nowhere, Urhi-Teshub packed up his things and fled Syria.
Apparently, he went to Egypt. We first hear about this in a letter, from Ramesses, to the Hittite court. In that message, the pharaoh said:
“I, the Great King of the Land of Egypt, have heard all the matters which you wrote to me. Concerning the matter of Urhi-Teshub: no, I have not done that which you wrote me about… [The King of Hatti] writes to me repeatedly about [Urhi-Teshub] saying ‘Let the Great King… of Egypt, have his infantry and [chariots] exert themselves, and let him expend his gold, silver, horses, copper… to take Urhi-Teshub out of Egypt. He should not allow [the fugitive] to become strong and wage war against Hatti…’ That is what … the King of Hatti wrote to me…”
The letter begins in the middle of things. Clearly, Hattusili has heard that Urhi-Teshub fled to Egypt and now demands his extradition. The King of Hatti wanted Ramesses to put all his resources onto the problem; and apparently his concerns were quite explicit. Don’t allow Urhi-Teshub to attack me.
Ramesses’ response was surprisingly coy. He said:[11]
“To that (request) I (Ramesses) … said ‘What have I done? … Have my lips articulated plots? Where would I acknowledge Urhi-Teshub as ruler? [The word] that men speak to you is worthless; do not trust in it. I am, happily, the brother and at peace, forever, with the Great King… of Hatti… I have taken the oath and will not abandon it. In your heart, [do] not [trust] the false words that you have heard. There is no sense in that. I am forever in the good relationship [of brotherhood]… with the King of Hatti.”
Pharaoh’s response is remarkably crafty. First, the letter is noteworthy for what Ramesses doesn’t say. While he reports Hattusili’s accusation, that Urhi-Teshub is in Egypt, Ramesses does not confirm or deny that. Additionally, regarding the threat posed by the exile, pharaoh avoids the issue. He says things like “What have I done?” as if this were a matter he had no involvement in. When it came to Urhi-Teshub’s status (as a Great King or exile), Ramesses merely said ‘Where would I acknowledge (him) as a ruler?’ And he invoked the bond (by Treaty and oath) that existed between Egypt and Hatti. However, there seems to be a wrinkle here. Ramesses’ letter says that he is in brotherhood with the Great King of the Land of Hatti. But he doesn’t specifically name that Great King as Hattusili.[12]
If you’ll indulge some speculation… I wonder if that vagueness was intentional. Perhaps the pharaoh was giving himself “wiggle-room.” After all, Urhi-Teshub had been a Great King of the Land of Hatti; and arguably still was, even if his power was diminished. Simultaneously, Hattusili had taken the title of Great King of the Land of Hatti. But what if he lost this civil conflict? This letter seems to walk a fine line. On the surface, Ramesses promises his ongoing brotherhood and support to the King of Hatti. But by not naming that King specifically, in this passage, he gives himself options about which Great King he ultimately supports. Perhaps I’m reading too much into that.
As we’ll see in a moment, Ramesses’ words were a smokescreen. The Hittite prince was in Egypt. But initially, pharaoh took a “plausible deniability” approach. He didn’t admit the exile’s presence, and he shifted Hattusili’s attention to other aspects of the problem.
Finally, Ramesses threw the allegation back at Hattusili, by casting doubt on his intelligence network. The pharaoh repeatedly says that “whatever your subjects have told you, that is not true.” Ramesses undermined Hattusili’s trust in his vassals and servants. It wouldn’t be the last time he pursued that tactic.
We don’t know exactly what happened next. But another letter gives a hint at Hattusili’s response. Notably, this one comes from Hattusili himself; in a message he sent to Babylonia. Hattusili wrote to the Great King of Babylon, reporting on the dispute. He said:
“My enemy who escaped to another country went to the King of Egypt. But when I wrote to (Egypt) saying ‘Send me my enemy back,’ he did not do so. Because of this, I and the King of Egypt became angry with one another.”[13]
I love this letter. It reads like a “high school gossip fight;” Mean Girls for the 13th Century.
Receiving Hattusili’s message, the Babylonians apparently responded in kind. According to the Hittite archives, the King of Babylon “sent away the messenger of Egypt.”[14] That is, they expelled (or at least refused to meet) with any of Ramesses’ envoys. The situation was borderline hostile; you have to wonder if Hattusili ever contemplated war…
Ramesses had played coy with Urhi-Teshub’s presence in Egypt, neither confirming nor denying it. Later, though, we get confirmation. In two letters, sent to the King and Queen of Hatti, Ramesses reported the fugitive’s movements. The pharaoh said:
“Behold, I do not understand these words that you have written about… Urhi-Teshub, these many, many words (which are) unworthy to be heard. You say, ‘Bring him (back) into the land of Egypt!’ But I truly do not know where he is. He has flown like a bird!”[15]
Ramesses appears to be responding to multiple messages, with contradictory requests. First Hattusili had said “send Urhi-Teshub out of Egypt…” now he was saying “take him back to Egypt!” The pharaoh’s tone sounds almost snarky. But the key piece of information comes through loud and clear. Urhi-Teshub had been in Egypt, after all, and only now that he had left did Ramesses acknowledge that fact.
At any rate, Ramesses reported the flight of Urhi-Teshub. The next part of the story is murky. It seems Hattusili learned of this flight and despatched one of his sons to capture Urhi-Teshub. That son did so, apprehending the fugitive in Syria, near the land of Amurru. Alas, having done so, that son promptly died. Urhi-Teshub then bribed his captors and escaped once more.[16] The whole thing starts to sound a bit comical… it would make a good film.
As a result, Ramesses had some choice words to say about Hattusili’s control of his vassals. Doubling down on his “don’t trust your followers” routine, the King of Egypt pointed out the obvious. If Urhi-Teshub had been captured, but still managed to escape, that raised questions about Hattusili’s vassals. Perhaps he should be asking them instead of Ramesses. The pharaoh said:
“[Concerning Urhi-Teshub]… may it … be … that he went to the land of Kizzuwatna (in northern Syria)? The King of Kizzuwatna would have sent him to you. Or (perhaps) he went to the Land of Halba (modern Aleppo)? The King of Halba would have sent him to you. Or he went to the land of Qinza (also in Syria); [that King] would have sent him to you. Are (your subjects) as trustworthy as you claimed when you wrote to me? Do not trust the words you hear! There is no substance to them at all!”
Once again, Ramesses attempted to poison the mind of Hattusili against his Syrian vassals. Laying out three major territories, pharaoh cast doubt on their honesty and loyalty. Diplomatically, it was a fair question. If Urhi-Teshub had made his way into Hittite lands then someone must be sheltering him; and if the exile could bribe his captors so easily, then Hattusili’s vassals were not exactly following his orders. At this point, Ramesses was all but washing his hands of the Urhi-Teshub affair.
From a modern perspective, it all sounds rather farcical. The pharaoh comes across a little bit salty, even manipulative; and Hattusili seems “righteously irritated” at the situation. However, we should try to imagine things from the ancient perspective, especially that of the “Great Kings.” Hattusili could make all sorts of allegations; but at the end of the day, the Urhi-Teshub affair was a damning reflection on his authority and ability to rule. Hattusili’s reputation was already shaky. He was a usurper, of questionable legitimacy. And while the Treaty with Egypt had given him some recognition, the flight of Urhi-Teshub and Hattusili’s failure to retrieve him… that made the Hittite King look rather weak. How could Hattusili claim strength as a Great King, if he couldn’t even keep track of a family member? A nephew he had deposed and taken into custody; who was now on the run, supposedly with no friends or allies? Thinking about this from an outsiders’ perspective, the King of Hatti (and his servants) seem rather hapless.
Unfortunately, there are too many gaps in the story to say exactly what was happening. How much did Ramesses know, or not know; when did these letters arrive, and where had the prince gone? These are still matters of speculation. But the “Urhi-Teshub Affair,” as it’s often known, is a darkly comic chapter in Egyptian-Hittite relations. I’m rather fond of it, myself.
The fate of Urhi-Teshub is unknown. He may have made his way to Anatolia, possibly finding refuge in some distant community. Possibly with family, specifically a younger brother, who may have protected him.[17] That is tentative, but Urhi-Teshub seems to have had children, who survived him and carried on his political legacy. That’s a tale for the Hittite histories; but for those wondering on Urhi-Teshub’s fate, he seems to have been okay…
The Urhi-Teshub Affair did put a strain on Hattusili and Ramesses’ relationship. But it didn’t last long. And as the years went by, and there was no further dispute, their interactions became positive once more. Soon, the two Kings began discussing other ways to unite their houses and courts. Eventually, in Year 34 of Ramesses’ reign, they would seal their brotherhood with a marriage. But that is a story for the future…
Pirixnawa and the Envoys
Finally, there is one more small tale to tell. For those interested in the human side of these tales, you may be wondering. Who was taking these messages back and forth, between the two courts?[18] The journey from Pi-Ramesses to Hattusa was long, probably a couple of months each way. And the envoy (or envoys) had to go carefully, carrying huge quantities of wealth to deliver safe and sound. Presumably, these messengers went in caravans and by ship, guarded by soldiers and royal attendants. But which poor chap had to do it, had to shuttle the wealth of Egypt and Hatti back and forth?
We know at least one of them, from the Nile Valley. Across multiple letters, sent by Ramesses and his court, a particular name keeps cropping up: a King’s Messenger, or Envoy, named Pirixnawa. Pirixnawa is the cuneiform version of an Egyptian name. In hieroglyphs it reads pa-rx-nwA, or “He Who Knows How to See.”[19] Possibly referencing a sense of perceptiveness or foresight. The name is probably an honorific. You see, we know who Parekhnua was; his tomb has survived.
In the 1990s, a French-Egyptian excavation at Saqqara uncovered the tomb of an Egyptian diplomat. His proper name was Netjerwymes, sometimes written Nemty-mes, which means “Born of The Two Gods.” The tomb of Netjerwy/Nemty-mes is at the Bubasteion, on the eastern cliffs of the Saqqara plateau. For those interested, he’s just next door to Maia, the Wet-Nurse and Tutor of King Tutankhamun.
The tomb of Neterjwy-mes is beautiful. It has an inner chapel, carved from the bedrock, with a roofed structure on the front. Within, you can find images of the official’s afterlife. Priests presenting offerings, anointing statues of the deceased and delivering them to the tomb. Netjerwy-mes kneels on the ground, carrying symbols of Usir (Osiris); and he gives offerings to the King of the Dead, together with his queen Ase(t) / Isis, and their sister Nebet-Hut (Nephthys). The carving is finely detailed, and beautifully painted; an expensive tomb indeed.
Anyway… the official appears throughout his tomb with the name Netjerwy-mes. But in a couple spots, he adds an epithet: PA-rx-nwA, or “He Who Knows How to See.”[20] In other words, this man is almost certainly the Pirixnawa we hear about in the letters.
The reason this man is significant is not just his role as messenger and gift-bearer. It’s where he may fit in the diplomatic history. Netjerwymes (or Pirixnawa) is mentioned on letters dating before and after the Egyptian-Hittite treaty. In one of those letters, Ramesses talks about “looking forward” to the agreement; and he specifically references the envoy Pirixnawa as his representative.[21] With that in mind, it’s reasonably possible this man led the embassies that negotiated that Treaty. Alas, we can’t confirm that 100%. The Egyptian copy of the Treaty, at Karnak, is damaged right where it names the pharaoh’s messengers (typical). However, tiny fragments of the hieroglyphs survive, and may fit the known hieroglyphs for Netjerwy-mes.[22] If that is accurate, then we may finally be able to identify the architect of the Egyptian-Hittite treaty.
We can’t confirm that; the hieroglyph texts at Karnak, which record the negotiations, are damaged and the names are lost. But Pirixnawa (aka Netjerwymes) is well-documented in the diplomatic letters and at Ramesses’ court.[23] Looking at his tomb, he had a high status, with access to the King himself. Putting that together, there’s a decent chance we now have the tomb of the man who shaped that Treaty. Whether he was the lone hero, or part of a team, remains unclear. But as excavations continue in Egypt (and Anatolia), scholars are getting more glimpses of this fascinating period and of Neterjwymes, who linked these two lands.
You can imagine, once a year, Netjerwymes would pack his bags, say farewell to his family, and set off on another royal journey. In a caravan, or by ship, the King’s Envoy would make his way past Canaan and Syria, before embarking on the mountainous roads into Anatolia. Finally, he would approach the high walls of Hattusa; and from its gates, Hittite envoys would come forth to meet their guest. They might greet him as Pirixnawa, “The One Who Knows How to See.” Hittite embraced Egyptian, gifts changed hands, and another round of meetings began.
An age of good relations was underway.
[1] Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 80—81.
[2] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 24—25.
[3] Kitchen, Pharaoh Triumphant, 323—324.
[4] Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 319—323; Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz,30—49.
[5] Brand, Ultimate Pharaoh, 321—322.
[6] https://www.gold.co.uk/gold-price/live/grams/USD/; http://coinapps.com/gold/gram/calculator/.
[7] Fisher, Sons of Ramesses II, 43.
[8] Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites, 246—265.
[9] Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites, 263—264.
[10] See Apology of Hattusili, S.11, IV 34—35; Bryce, Kingdom of the Hittites, 264 n. 71.
[11] Beckman, Diplomatic Texts, 124—125; Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 75—78.
[12] Beckman, Diplomatic Texts, 125.
[13] Beckman, Diplomatic Texts, 138—143; Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 206.
[14] Beckman, Diplomatic Texts, 138—143.
[15] Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 208—209; Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 70—74.
[16] Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 209, cf. Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, II, 123—124.
[17] Bryce, Letters of the Great Kings, 210—212.
[18] For an overview of Ramessid envoys, see Saady, H. el-. (1999). The External Royal Envoys of the Ramessides: A Study on the Egyptian Diplomats. MDAIK, 55, 411—425.
[19] Zivie, A. (2006). Le messager royal egyptien Pirikhnawa. British Museum Studies in Ancient Egypt and Sudan, 6, 68–78. https://www.academia.edu/34109863/_Le_messager_royal_%C3%A9gyptien_Pirikhnawa_BMSAES_6_2006_p_68_78
[20] Zivie, “Le messager royal egyptien Pirikhnawa,” 74 fig. 3.
[21] Edel, Die ägyptisch-hethitische Korrespondenz, 16—20.
[22] Zivie, “Le messager royal egyptien Pirikhnawa,” 71, fig. 8.
[23] Franzmeier, H. (2024). Netjerwymes alias Parekhnu in Piramesses. In A. Cooke, N. Nielsen, & G. Godenho (Eds.), Landscapes: Studies in Honour of Steven Snape (pp. 91—98).
